How communist negotiat? C. Turner Joy

時事 · 나의 時論

How communist negotiat? C. Turner Joy

hanngill 2018. 3. 31. 15:19

https://youtu.be/_OM3PLYdH0g

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

by ADMIRAL C. TURNER JOY

Parts of this book have appeared in U S News 6 World

Report under the trie "Blunders Behind the Korean Truce "

FOREWORD

by GENERAL MATTHEW B. R1DGWAY, u^. ( Ret.)

Throughout my tenure as Commander in Chief, United

Nations Command, Admiral C Turner Joy was the Com-

mander of Naval Forces in the Far East He served as Senior

Delegate and Chief of the United Nations Command Dele-

gation to the Korean Armistice Conference during my period

of responsibility for the armistice effort I could not overstate

the value of his calm advice, his skillful performance, and his

loyal personal support during that trying tune His qualities

of absolute integrity, deep sincerity, and intelligent devotion

to the best interests of freedom shone brightly through all

the dark shadows of our negotiations with the Communists

at Kaesong and Panmunjom His power of penetrating analy-

sis was superb No one could have more ably represented the

United States in that conference

Admiral Joy's analysis of Communist techniques is drawn

from the experience of ten arduous months of confronting

the Communists almost daily The negotiations he conducted

covered the entire spectrum of Communist interests and ob-

jectives political and military, in Korea and world-wide I

FOREWORD

know of no citizen of the free world who could speak of

Communist negotiating tactics from a broader base of prac-

tical knowledge

All Americans would be well advised to consider Admiral

Joy's thoughtful and well documented examination of the

Communist negotiating procedure It should be obvious that

we Americans must learn to meet Communists successfully

in the arena of negotiations Otherwisebut there must be no

otherwise The world is so ordered today that there is no

acceptable alternative to successful negotiations with Commu-

nists It is the duty, and it is in the self-interest, of every

American to make himself aware of the nature of these relent-

less, ruthless men Admiral Joy's terse analysis will provide a

basic education toward that essential end.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to Senator William E Jenner and to the secre-

tary of his committee, Dr Edna Fluegel, for encouraging me

to write this book

The analytical pattern of this book does not lend itself to

proper recognition of the work done by the men of the United

Nations Command Delegation to the Korean Armistice Con-

ference I wish it did Never before was such a superb team

assembled as that representing the United Nations at Kaesong

and Panmunjom For the men who served with me from our

great commander, General Matthew B Ridgway, to the most

junior of the delegation personnel quality is the word quality

of mind and of heart They were men of the United States

Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps and of the armed

forces of the Republic of Korea They were magnificent

As Senior Delegate and Chief of the United Nations Com-

mand Delegation, I was responsible to General Ridgway, who

at that fame served as Commander in Chief, United Nations

Command In turn, General Ridgway reported to the United

States Joint Chiefs of Staff The United States Government

was the executive agent of the United Nations for the Korean

War, and for the armistice that ended it

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

General Ridgway and his United Nations Command staff

gave our delegation full, steady support at every turn in the

long road to an armistice I could not have asked for more

wholehearted backing

The delegates and principal staff officers of the United

Nations Command delegation under my command consti-

tuted the most effective joint group of officers I have ever

known They were the cream of the Far East Command The

nation has not recognized adequately the unique service ren-

dered by that matchless assembly of dedicated men I salute

them in this poor way, hoping that if ever again the United

States of America is in need of her finest sons, men like these

will stand forth

ADMIRAL C TURNER JOY, U S N (Ret )

UNITED NATIONS

UNITED STATES JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF

COMMANDER IN CHIEF, UNITED NATIONS COMMAND

General Matthew B Ridgway

SENIOR DELEGATE, UNITED NATIONS COMMAND

*Vice Admiral C Turner Joy

PREFACE

The spreading stain of Communism now blotches a vast area

of the earth A great Communist empire sweeps from the

Elbe River in Germany to central Indochina, covering an area

more than four times as extensive as the United States and

containing a population five tunes that of Europe Commu-

nists have come to control this, the most monstrous tyranny

in history, by shrewdly combining force and negotiation

The measure of expansion achieved by Communism

through negotiations is impossible to disassociate from what

they have achieved by force, for the Communists never com-

pletely separate the two methods Yet their negotiating meth-

ods have yielded them nch returns some of their profits derived

principally from negotiation are clearly identifiable The nego-

tiations at Yalta had the effect of delivering to Communism,

among other things of value, China, North Korea, Sakhalin,

and the Kunle Islands The negotiations at Geneva delivered

to Communism almost half of Indochina on occasion, suc-

cess in negotiations had to be confirmed by further Commu-

nist military operations Such a case was China Elsewhere,

partial success in military operations was made complete by

victory in negotiations Such was Indochina Thus the niter-

PREFACE

play of force and negotiations in the Communist method has

produced major extensions of human slavery Perhaps it is

fame that we Americans, at whom Communist designs of

world domination ultimately point, inform ourselves of the

techniques employed by these, our relentless enemies, m ne-

gotiating their way to evil triumph

Each negotiating situation presents differing aspects, as

Yalta differed from Geneva, as Potsdam differed from Pan-

munjom Yet the Communist dogma is a strong rule, strongly

compelling Communists to adhere to it at all times It is pos-

sible, therefore, to identify certain fundamental techniques

applying to Communist negobatory efforts wherever and

whenever they occur Of all opportunities to view the Com-

munist technique MI negotiations, none is so comprehensive

as Panmunjom There, for two long years, the Communists

exposed their negotiating system, applying it to all the many

facets of that extended international parley For this reason,

and for the reason that the author of this account participated

ni the Korean Armistice Conference as the Senior Western

Delegate, attention hereafter will be focused on the methods

used by Communists at Kaesong and at Panmunjom, Korea

Americans are urged to consider well the following analysis of

the techniques of their enemies, for the American future is

largely dependent on how competently we meet these Com-

munist tactics in many dangerous tomorrows

CONTENTS

I The Stage Setting i

II The Communist Delegation 10

III The Loaded Agenda 18

IV Incidents 30

V Roadblocks 39

VI Premeditated Crimes 62

VII The Veto 74

VIII Red Hemngs 89

IX Truth and Consequences loz

X Inches into Miles 119

XI The Welshers 130

XII "Wearying Tactics 137

XIII Prisoners of War 146

XIV From This Thorn, These Wounds, These Warnings 163

CHAPTER I

THE STAGE SETTING

Communists neither blunder into conferences nor rush pell-

mell to engage in negotiation First, they carefully set the

stage Their concern for maintaining "face," as well as their

regard for practical advantages arising from favorable nego-

tiating conditions, causes the Communists to consider care-

fully the physical circumstances in which a parley is to occur

Witness how they applied this principle of stage setting in

the Korean Armistice Conference

During late June of 1951, the Soviet Ambassador to the

United Nations remarked publicly that it might be well if the

opposing sides in Korea arranged a truce, based on the 38th

Parallel as a truce line The first notification to the United

Nations Command that the Communists would like an armis-

tice in Korea came from Washington to the United Nations

Command headquarters in Tokyo General Matthew B

Ridgway, Commander in Chief, was directed by the United

States Joint Chiefs of Staff to broadcast by radio a message to

the Communist military commanders in Korea, inquiring

whether truce talks were desired on 2.0 June, 1951, General

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Ridgway caused a message to the Communists to be broadcast,

suggesting that truce talks be held in the Danish hospital

ship Jutlandia, after the ship had been brought to the harbor

of Wonsan, North Korea Thus General Ridgway offered as a

site for truce talks a hospital ship, internationally recognized

as a nonbelligerent facility, a ship provided by a government

(Denmark) which had not participated in the Korean fight-

ing This neutral, noncombative ship was to be placed in

waters controlled by Communist guns and mine fields This

seemed as reasonable an arrangement as could be con-

ceived

The arrogant Communist reply came by radio on the

night of i July It did not even menbon the Jutlandia The

language used in the response might be paraphrased as

follows

"If you desire a truce, come to Kaesong and we'll talk "

Kaesong is a city almost precisely on the 38th Parallel of

latitude We were to learn later the significance of that fact

Moreover, Kaesong was controlled by the Red Chinese, so

that by going to Kaesong the United Nations Command rep-

resentatives in effect went to the Communists, rather than

meeting them halfway Obviously, the Communists wished

to make it appear that the United Nations Command was

in need of a cessation of hostilities and therefore came hat in

hand to a Communist citadel to ask a truce General Ridgway

recognized these facts but considered that in the interests of

saving time and of showing sincere intentions Kaesong should

be accepted

On the 8th of July, Colonel Andrew J Kinney, U S A F ,

and several other United States officers proceeded to Kaesong

THE STAGE SETTING

to arrange with Communist liaison officers for the meeting of

delegations on July loth Without success, Kinney sought

Communist agreement to a demilitarized neutral zone around

Kaesong The Communists refused to give up their advantage

of military control of the Kaesong area Throughout this in-

itial meeting Kinney and his party, though completely with-

out arms, were surrounded by troops of armed Communist

soldiers brandishing hand machine guns threateningly Com-

munist photographers and press representatives did not fail

to make the most of this situation, in line with their thesis that

the United Nations Command, not the Communists, needed

and sought a truce

At the opening meeting of liaison officers, the Communists

strongly argued that the United Nations Command delegation

should remain overnight at Kaesong during the course of the

negotiations The Communists wished to hold the United

Nations Command delegation in their military grip while

parleying This Kinney flatly rejected, having already been

subjected to the "captive" treatment in store for Americans

at Kaesong

Communist concern with even the smallest detail of stage

setting, especially where "face" is involved, was illustrated at

the liaison officers' meeting Within a Korean teahouse on

the outskirts of Kaesong, a long table to be used by the dele-

gations had been set up so that one delegation would face

north, the other south Oriental custom has it that at a truce

discussion the victor faces south, the defeated faces north

Unaware of this consideration, Kinney accidentally arrogated

to his party the north side of the conference table, the victor's

side The Communists were flustered and dismayed by this

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

development, so much so that the Communist liaison officer

actually stuttered in replying to Kinney's opening remarks

Two days later, when the main delegations met, the Commu-

nists made certain that the north side of the table went to

them by the simple act of barring the United Nations Com-

mand delegation from access to it

While seeking by every means to create an illusion that the

Kaesong meetings represented a conference between the vic-

torious Red Army and defeated Americans, the Communists

knew well that simple equality was quite enough for their pur-

poses As their renegade British reporter Alan Wmnington

told Western newsmen "This is the first time Oriental Com-

munists have ever sat down at a conference table on terms of

equality with Americans, and they intend to make the most

of it " After all, what nation but Red China in all the world

today can boast of fighting the United States and her allies

to a stalemate? Was not Communist prestige enhanced by

compelling delegates from the powerful United Nations

Command to meet Communist China's representatives under

battlefield conditions of equality? Moreover, was it not plain

that some undermining of the United States' position of non-

recognition of the Red Chinese regime must result when

senior Americans sought to negotiate with representatives of

that regime whose existence the United States officially

denied? Yes, I am sure the Communists knew that equality at

Kaesong was sufficient

The Communists proceeded industriously to embroider the

situation in their favor At the first meeting of the delegates,

I seated myself at the conference table and almost sank out

of sight The Communists had provided a chair for me which

THE STAGE SETTING

was considerably shorter than a standard chair Across the

table, the senior Communist delegate, General Nam D, pro-

truded a good foot above my cagily diminished stature This

had been accomplished by providing stumpy Nam B with a

chair about four inches higher than usual Chain-smoking

Nam II puffed his cigarette in obvious satisfaction as he glow-

ered down on me, an apparently torpedoed admiral This con-

dition of affairs was promptly rectified when I exchanged my

foreshortened chair for a normal one, but not before Commu-

nist photographers had exposed reels of film Such devices by

the Communists may seem childish when each is considered in

isolation It should be borne in mind, however, that a great

multitude of these maneuvers can add up to a propaganda

total of effective magnitude

Not the least of the stage setting employed by the Commu-

nists was their legion of armed guards These heavily armed

sentinels were everywhere, governing each step taken by the

United Nations Command delegation During a recess of the

first meeting of delegates I was directly threatened by a Com-

munist guard who pointed a burp gun at me and growled

menacingly My messenger, dispatched to convey an interim

report to General Ridgway, was halted and turned back by

Communist armed force one sentinel posted conspicuously

beside the access doorway to the conference room wore a

gaudy medal which he proudly related to Colonel Krnney was

for 'Tolling forty Americans " Such impositions resulted in my

protesting to Nam II in unmistakable terms, demanding

prompt elimination of such crudities. Nam II was evasive,

however No doubt he calculated that the Communist propa-

ganda machine was acquiring a wealth of material suitable for

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

picturing the United Nations Command as a beaten suppliant

for an armistice

The ever present Communist newsmen and photographers

led me to announce to Nam II that Western newsmen would

attend the subsequent meetings of the delegations Nam II

immediately agreed Having set the stage and directed the

shooting of distorted scenes by his own photographers, Nam

II may have felt that he could afford to open the further pro-

ceedings to the frank cameras of Western newsmen one hour

later, however, Nam II recanted his agreement and announced

that the question of admitting Western newsmen to Kaesong

would have to be ruled on by his superiors Note the ensuing

discussion

*ADMIRAL JOY I am still not satisfied with your answer con-

cerning the newsmen I wish to re-emphasize that the pres-

ence of newsmen at this conference is considered of major

importance to us I repeat we require twenty newsmen to

proceed daily with our delegation from the Inrjin River to

the site of the conference Do you have any further com-

ments to make concerning the newsmen?

GENERAL NAM XL I have nothing more to say than I gave the

answer already That means that I did not give you the

answer I don't mean to say I refused the newsmen to come

to the conference site area, but for the time being the mat-

ter must be held in abeyance, and the question of the news-

men is not the principal problem for our discussion, so

while we carry on our discussion about mam problems we

*The dialogue illustrations appearing in this book are verbatim from the

Armistice Conference

THE STAGE SETTING

will have chance to talk over the matter So I find it better

to go over to discussing the mam problems from now on

ADMIRAL JOY Before we recess, I wash to read to you a dis-

patch I have received from the Commander in Chief of the

United Nations Command

"I desire that you inform the Communist delegates as

follows The presence of a selected number of newsmen at

a conference of such major importance to the entire world

is considered an inherent right by members of the United

Nations Therefore, a selected group of professional news-

men, photographers, and newsreel cameramen numbering

approximately twenty will accompany and be an integral

part of the United Nations Command delegabon to any or

all future sessions beginning 12 July "

GENERAL NAM TL (interrupting) You mean the newspapermen

are an integral part of the delegation?

ADMIRAL JOY They are part of the delegation party the com-

mand party that comes up every day, though not into this

room

[Continuing with General Ridgway's message ] "This

party of newsmen will be controlled by our officer personnel

The United Nations Command neither asks nor desires

that newsmen be admitted to the conference room Signed

Ridgway "

If by tomorrow morning you still feel that newsmen are

unacceptable at the site of the conference we request that

you inform us by 0730 tomorrow by what date it will be

possible to resume the conference with newsmen present at

the conference site

GENERAL NAM iL I am not quite clear Do you mean that

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

without the party of newspapermen, you don't want to pro-

ceed with the meeting at all?

ADMIRAL JOY We wish to proceed with the meeting, but we

will recess until you inform us that the newsmen are ac-

ceptable

When our delegation failed to appear at Kaesong the next

day, the Communists hurriedly dispatched a message to the

United Nations Command agreeing to equitable conditions

at the conference site, including agreement to withdraw their

armed personnel from the immediate vicinity

Other embroideries of the basic stage setting occurred as

the conference evolved An amusing sequence arose in connec-

tion with flags Just prior to one of the early meetings, one of

our interpreters placed on the conference table a small stand-

ard bearing a handkerchief-sized replica of the United Nations

flag Throughout that session the Communists regarded the

miniature flag with suspicion and dislike Nam II took occa-

sion repeatedly to push the small standard away from the

center of the table I would casually set it back dead center

Following a recess, the Communists offered an improvement

of this game by placing on the table another standard bearing

a North Korean flag, identical in all respects to the United

Nations emblem except that it rose some six inches higher

AH in the United Nations Command delegation specukted

with amusement as to where an increase in the height of the

United Nations Command standard would lead I hastened to

veto any tendency toward such competition, thereby perhaps

averting construction of the two tallest flagpoles on earth

Sadly, one must relate that not all the stage setting favor-

THE STAGE SETTING

able to the Communist cause was at their initiative Without

any intention whatsoever to aid the Communists in preparing

the scene, certain actions of the United States Government

unintentionally did just that The United States impatiently

broadcast the first direct appeal for truce talks, despite the

fact that it was the Communists, not the United Nations Com-

mand, who sorely needed a truce The Secretary of State was

reported to have stated that a truce settlement with the Com-

munists along the 38th Parallel would be acceptable to the

United States Government How this piece of stage setting

affected matters will be discussed later It is not unlikely that

the peremptory recall of General Douglas MacArthur just

after that renowned officer had advocated more vigorous mili-

tary action against the Communists may have had as great an

effect as any These developments reinforced the picture that

the Communists wished the world to accept, the picture of a

United Nations Command, frustrated militarily, begging a

truce that would simply restore the situation as it existed prior

to the outbreak of hostilities in Korea Thus, by their own

devious methods, and assisted by windfalls of American policy

mistakes, the Communists prepared the scene for the crucial

negotiations to follow

CHAPTER II

THE COMMUNIST DELEGATION

The Communist system of negotiating does not depend

critically on the individuals involved Their method is a dogma

followed slavishly by each of their representatives None the

less, any extended negotiation will be marked by occasions

when doctrine does not apply perfectly, and a degree of in-

genuity will be required of the participants Knowing this, the

Communists are quite careful in the selection of their nego-

tiating teams Force of intellect is the primary consideration

Reputation, rank, and position are of secondary consideration

to the Communists in choosing the members of their delega-

tion Persistence and an unruffled demeanor in the face of

logic seemed to be the prime characteristics of then* negoti-

ating group at the Korean Armistice Conference A slight

bent to sardonic humor was observable in some few of the

Chinese delegates When asked to say how long it would take

his own superiors to provide him guidance on a certain ques-

tion, the Chinese delegate General Hsieh Fang said, "I have

no talent for prophecy "

THE COMMUNIST DELEGATION

The nominal chief of the Communist delegation was Gen-

eral Nam II, allegedly a North Korean and today the Foreign

Minister of the North Korean puppet state Born m Asiatic

Russia of Korean parentage about 1913, Nam II attended mili-

tary schools in the USSR and was reported to have fought

in the Red Army as a captain during World War II He came

to North Korea with the Soviets at the end of the war and was

assigned to key posts in the field of educabon and propaganda

As Vice Minister of Education after 1948, he was influential in

shaping the educational policies of the so-called "Democratic

People's Republic of Korea" m line with Soviet plans, and in

converting the Education Ministry into a key propaganda

agency of the government Shortly before the attack on the Re-

public of Korea in June of 1950, Nam II was called into the

National Defense Ministry and assigned a top planning post

in preparation for the attack When appointed to head the

Communist delegation, Nam II was Chief of Staff of the North

Korean "People's Army " In August of 1953, Nam II was ap-

pointed Foreign Minister of his government

Nam II was short in stature, slender, and gave the impres-

sion of considerable nervous energy He spoke forcefully in

Korean, seeming to spit out his words At no time did he ever

exhibit the least tendency to humor If he laughed, it was in a

sarcastic vein His smooth Oriental face rarely revealed emo-

tion, and if so the emotion was anger or feigned astonishment

He dressed nattily m the Russian type of uniform of the North

Korean Army His military boots were highly polished at all

fames

Nam II did not appear to be at ease during our sessions, pos-

sibly because he was one of the first Orientals to face a delega-

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

tion of Occidentals on equal terms His nervousness was the

more understandable when one considered that he was merely

the figurehead of his delegation The actual power was vested

in Chinese General Hsieh Fang Nam II was ever careful to

secure an approving nod from Hsieh before launching into his

long tirades against the United States

The senior Chinese of the Communist delegation, and the

de facto chief of the entire Communist group, was the slight

Manchurian General Hsieh Fang Although the history of his

background is somewhat uncertain, we know he was bom in

1904 in Manchuria He was sent to Japan by the "Young

Marshal" Chang Hsueh-liang, where he graduated from the

Japanese Military Academy in 1923 He later attended a uni-

versity in Moscow In 1940 he joined the Japanese puppet

regime in Peking on orders from the Chinese Communists,

remaining there until 1945 He is credited, during 1946-1948,

with bringing about the defection of a number of contingents

of Chinese Nationalists troops and with playing a leading part

in the uprising at Changsha, China When appointed to the

Communist delegation, he was serving as political commissar

and Chief of Staff of the so-called Chinese People's 'Volun-

teer" forces in Korea

Hsieh Fang was thin and angular His nondescript uniform

folded about his spare frame gracelessly He gave me the im-

pression of Shakespeare's "Yond Cassms has a lean and hun-

gry look such men are dangerous " Hsieh was indeed

dangerous He possessed a bitterly sharp mind, and used it

effectively His head was radically close-cropped, giving the

impression of a high forehead Sharp eyes flicked restlessly as

he watched proceedings Hsieh Fang rarely spoke from pre-

THE COMMUNIST DELEGATION

pared material as Nam II did invariably His remarks were

extemporaneous and fluent

Hsieh Fang was markedly the mental superior among the

Communist delegation He conducted himself in a self-assured

manner at all times, never "bothering to check his intended re-

marks with other Communists before making them He was

the only member of the Communist delegation who seemed to

be confident of his position with his Communist superiors m

Peking on the many occasions when it became obvious that

no progress could be made in the day's meeting, any Commu-

nist spokesman but Hsieh Fang would feel compelled to de*

liver a long-winded harangue praising Communist objectives

and damning those of the United Nations Command Not so

Hsieh Fang If there was nothing more to be accomplished,

he simply shut up his brief case and departed Evidently he

felt no need to make a "record" for his superiors to read and

applaud

Hsieh Fang showed less obedience to the Soviet-Commu-

nist dogma than other members of the Communist delegation,

His manner of expressing himself m Chinese was not larded

with the standard Communist terminology The language he

used appeared to be his own He had a sharp, clear mind, one

coldly calculating the accomplishment of his mission I can-

not help wondering what effect, if any, Hsieh Fang's long

exposure to our Western ethics and thoughts may have had

on his Communist convictions

The only other delegate m the Communist group with

whom we had serious intercourse was North Korean General

Lee Sang Jo His background is more obscure, though we know

that he was born in 1913 in Korea and that he went to China

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

in Bis youth and graduated from the Whampoa Military

Academy, then the Chinese equivalent of the United States

Military Academy He joined the Communist party m 1940

and became identified as a trusty henchman of the pro-Soviet

Korean faction He is also known to have commanded a de-

tachment of the Korean Volunteer Army which fought in

China with the Communist forces against the Chinese Na-

tionalists He is described as one of a group of thirty-six Soviet

citizens who returned to Korea in 1945 with the Soviet Army

Just prior to the Armistice Conference, Lee occupied the post

of Chief of Staff to the North Korean National Defense Min-

ister Vice Marshal Choe Yong Gun, one of the influential

leaders of the pro-Soviet North Korean group

Lee Sang Jo was addicted to endless rambling statements,

often absolutely irrelevant to the subject under discussion A

doctrinaire Communist, Lee employed the Communist dogma

of long, wearisome repetition at every opportunity He was an

accomplished liar to boot He was short and chunky, often

dirty and slovenly It fascinated all of us to watch Lee Sang Jo

permit flies to crawl across his face without brushing them

away Apparently he thought this showed iron self-control

For my part, I concluded he was simply accustomed to having

flies on his person

The three delegates I have described constituted the vocal

section of the Communist delegation Making up the total of

five delegates were another North Korean and another

Chinese These two never spoke, or otherwise indicated that

they were more than window dressing

Two officers of the Communist group who were not dele-

gates, but staff officers, are worth discussing They were the

THE COMMUNIST DELEGATION

two liaison officers, Colonel Chang of North Korea and Colo-

nel Tsai of China These two did more of the actual nego-

tiating than did any one of their superiors, the delegates

Chang was a hard-faced Korean, short and stocky He spoke

Korean and Chinese Though he never revealed the fact fully,

we were convinced that he at least understood English It was

rumored that Chang stood high m the favor of the Chinese

and thus swung considerable weight in the Communist dele-

gation

Colonel Tsai of Red China, the other Communist liaison

officer, was tall and spare He managed to wear the graceless,

unadorned umf onn of the Red Chinese "Volunteers" with a

degree of dignity Both Chang and Tsai were doctrinaire

Communists, rarely varying from the dogma of the approved

Communist method There was a considerable difference in

the reaction of the two in the face of unforeseen events,

however At the first meeting of haison officers, our United

Nations Command haison party was made up of Colonels

Kinney and Murray of the United States, and Lieutenant

Colonel Lee of the Republic of Korea Chang and Tsai repre-

sented the Communists When our Lieutenant Colonel Lee

attempted to seat himself at the conference table on a col-

lapsible chair, he upset the chair and sprawled on the floor

Tsai, the Chinese, laughed heartily Chang, the Soviet-trained

Korean, retained a stony silence on another occasion we had

sent our Korean haison officer to deliver a message to the

Communists at Panmunjom Chang and Tsai met Colonel Lee

there Lee was an able linguist, speaking English, Korean,

Chinese, Japanese, and some German on this occasion Lee

chose to speak in English Chang lost his temper "Are you

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

not a Korean?" he shouted "Why do you not speak Korean?"

Lee answered calmly "I will speak m whatever language I

wish That is what we are fighting for, freedom of speech "

Tsai seemed somewhat amused by this exchange

Once during a plenary session of the full delegations, North

Korean delegate General Lee Sang Jo penciled a note to Nam

II in Korean characters large enough to be read easily from our

side of the table It said, "These imperialist errand boys are

lower than dogs in a morgue " This is the ultimate Korean in-

sult Our General Paik, delegate of the Republic of Korea,

very nearly went physically across the table after Lee Sang Jo,

but managed to restrain himself

One of the most humorous remarks of the Armistice Con-

ference was that of our witty Air Force General Turner in

response to being called a fool General Turner had replaced

our able Air Force delegate General Craigie Hsieh Fang, after

an extended argument with Turner, made an audible aside

remark to Colonel Chang, "This man is a complete fool " Our

Colonel Kmney, noting this, urged General Turner to scorch

Hsieh Fang for indulging in personalities and abusive language

instead of dealing with the issues at hand Turner, however,

made the following reply to Kinney m a loud, clear voice

"You say he has called me a fool? No, I will not enter into a

debate with him on that score He has all the points on his

side" Colonel Tsai, evidently understanding this perfectly,

was hardly able to control his laughter Hsieh Fang and Chang

remained grim

Throughout the course of the negotiations, two Western-

world newspapermen lived with and advised the Communist

delegation These were Wilfred Burchett, who served a Pans

THE COMMUNIST DELEGATION

newspaper, and Alan Wmmngton, the latter reported to be a

British citizen Wilmington, an effeminate-looking chap, acted

as public relations officer for the Communists He sought to

"feed" the Communist version of events to the Western news

correspondents who accompanied the United Nations Com-

mand delegation each day to the meeting site It appeared to

me that he was remarkably unsuccessful in this effort Owing

to the brilliant management of press affairs by our own public

information officer, Air Force General William Nuckols, I

never had occasion to be seriously concerned with the treason-

able activities of Winmngton

These were the principal men we dealt with during the

armistice conference two from Red China, three from North

Korea It is worth noting that the North Koreans were far

more slavish in following the Soviet-Communist doctrine than

were the Red Chinese It is worth repeating that ultimate

authority in the mixed Communist delegation appeared to be

in the hands of the Red Chinese

CHAPTER III

THE LOADED AGENDA

With the stage set to their lilong, Communists proceed to

implement the second principle of their negotiating method

They seek an agenda composed of conclusions favorable to

their basic objectives Among men who adhere to logic, an

agenda is understood to be only a list of topics to be discussed,

concerning which agreed conclusions are later required For

example, Americans meeting to discuss arrangements for a

baseball game might adopt an agenda as follows

1 Place the game is to be played

2 Time the game is to start

3 Selection of umpires

Communists, however, would submit an agenda like this

1 Agreement that game is to be played in Shanghai

2 Agreement that game be played at night

3 Agreement that umpires be Chinese officials

Thus the Communists seek to place their negotiating op-

ponents on the defensive from the outset If their ngged

agenda is carelessly accepted by their opponents, the Commu-

THE LOADED AGENDA

nists are able to argue that the only questions remaining

are exactly where in Shanghai the ball game is to be

played, exactly what tune at night the game is to start, and

precisely which Chinese are to officiate Notice how the

Communists sought these advantages by such procedures at

Kaesong

Consistent with their concept of an agenda as a set of con-

clusions, the Communists formally proposed the following as

the first two items for discussion

1 Establishment of the %8th Parallel as the military de-

marcation line between both sides, and establishment of a

demilitarized zone, as basic conditions for the cessation of

hostilities in Korea

2 Withdrawal of all armed forces of foreign countries from

Korea

Nam II supported these two points by simply asserting that

they were "basic and mseparable " He said that withdrawal

of foreign troops from Korea was "a basic step toward peace "

Thus the Communist concept of an agenda was a set of con-

clusions which would restore the situation in Korea to that

obtaining before they launched their aggression

In contrast, note the agenda proposals made by the United

Nations Command on the same day in connection with the

same two points

1 Agreement on a demilitarized zone across Korea

2 Cessation of hostilities and acts of armed force under

conditions which will assure against resumption of hostilities

in Korea

This difference of approach gave rise to a major discussion

between Nam II and me on the first day of the conference

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

ADMIRAL JOY It is the position of the representatives of the

United Nations Command that the proper order of business

is to first establish the general topics which both sides agree

to discuss, then subsequently to determine the specific

agreement, the details Such a case is that of the demili-

tarized zone Your delegation has offered a particular de-

marcation line [the 38th Parallel] and a particular demili-

tarized zone as an agenda item The delegation of the

United Nations Command believes that first it should be

agreed that discussion of some demarcation line and some

demilitarized zone is desired by and agreeable to both

parties once this general topic is agreed on, later meetings

can approach the question as to which particular hne and

zone can be agreed upon It is for this reason that the United

Nations Command agenda contains items which only

describe the general area of discussion No effort should be

made to state in an agenda what the details of these arrange-

ments will be Agreement to place an item on the agenda in

no way commits either delegation to any specific detail The

same is the case with the demilitarized zone Both delega-

tions wish to discuss a demilitarized zone Exactly where

this zone shall be will become a topic of later discussion

We both can agree, however, that the general question of a

demilitarized zone should be one of the items to be dis-

cussed on the agenda At a later meeting the exact boundary

definition of the demilitarized zone may be reached I will

now take up the question of the withdrawal of foreign

armed forces What do you mean by foreign armed forces?

What forces do you include?

GENERAL NAM JL Please go ahead

ADMIRAL JOT The various governments with armed forces in

THE LOADED AGENDA

Korea operating with the United Nations Command have

authorized these armed forces to be in Korea Therefore,

the withdrawal of these armed forces from Korea must be

approved by those same governments, as well as by the

United Nabons itself The delegation of the United Nations

Command can make arrangements only pertaining to the

cessation of military action of these armed forces within

Korea only after an armistice has been agreed to and

military action has ceased can the matter of withdrawal of

foreign armed forces from Korea be discussed with the gov-

ernments concerned Therefore, it is our view that this

matter cannot be placed upon an agenda for the military

representatives to discuss

GENERAL NAM TL First I am going to answer the question of

the foreign troops what is meant by the foreign troops By

"foreign troops" we mean all troops who are here under

the permission of then: own governments, so the foreign

troops under the name of United Nations in Korea, they

are all foreign troops And now I am going to talk about

using some terms of procedure of meeting

ADMIRAL JOY You haven't yet finished with the item of foreign

troops

GENERAL NAM iL Don't interrupt, I have the floor

About the terms on discussing cease fire today, one side

is the Korean People's Army and the Chinese Volunteers,

and the other side is the United Nations forces The term

"Communists" is not proper here because you are not han-

dling with the Communist but with the Korean People's

Army and the Chinese Volunteers It is simple to define the

term "foreign troops " By "foreign troops in Korea," we

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

mean those troops who are not Korean troops, who are not

the troops composed of the Koreans

ADMIRAL JOY Of foreign troops not composed of Koreans

That is what you mean?

GENERAL NAM IL Troops in Korea which are not Korean

troops They are the foreign troops

The next day at Kaesong saw a continuation of the dis-

pute regarding the nature of an agenda I opened the

question

ADMIRAL JOY We do not believe you understand yet what we

mean by an agenda We wish to specifically define it again

An agenda is merely a list, in order, of subjects to be dis-

cussed Is that your understanding of an agenda?

GENERAL NAM IL We know fully what an agenda means

The senior delegate of the other party asked me if I

clearly understood the term "agenda " By agenda it is meant

the items that will be discussed at a meeting, ordered items

which will be discussed at a meeting and which must be

considered first when the agenda is being formed What are

the important problems to be discussed at a meeting? Then

the important problems must be discussed first That is to

say what fend of problems should be discussed and what are

the central problems, then the central problems are dis-

cussed first

ADMIRAL JOY When I use the term "agenda/* I am referring

to a group of items which are general questions general

items such as the demilitarized zone You, however, are in

fact talking about one line [the 38th Parallel] when as a

matter of fact there are many lines many possible lines

THE LOADED AGENDA

GENERAL NAM n, We have showed you our line What are the

possible lines for you?

ADMIRAL JOY We do not suggest any line yet because

that is getting into the substance of that item of the

agenda

GENERAL NAM IL As for a line, we proposed a concrete

line

ADMIRAL JOY As I understand it, you do not wish to broaden

the question of a demilitarized zone

GENERAL NAM IL May I ask what you imply by "broaden"?

ADMIRAL JOY To make it more general

GENERAL NAM IL Our proposal is general

ADMIRAL JOY Referring again to your item on the agenda, we

cannot agree to have any specific line on the agenda as you

propose

GENERAL NAM IL You do not agree?

ADMIRAL JOY We will agree to place on the agenda an item

calling for the establishment of some demilitarized zone

The location and limits of that zone can be discussed later

when the substance of the item is taken up I would like to

re-emphasize that the work of this meeting on the agenda is

not to determine solutions of problems, lines, etc , but to

formulate an agenda in other words, to state the problems

to be discussed at later meetings

GENERAL NAM IL We cannot consider the 38th Parallel line

as an imaginary line The ^Sth Parallel line had existed and

the war broke out nght on that line Therefore, it is the

principle that the question of the cease fire must be con-

cluded also on the 38th Parallel line Therefore, this must

be on the agenda

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

In order to comprehend fully the arrogance of Nam Il's self-

termed "agenda," it is necessary to recollect the military situa-

tion as it then existed The line of ground battle extended

across Korea on the bias, with its western terminus south of the

38th Parallel and its eastern terminus well north of the

Parallel (See map ) This line of ground contact constituted

defensible battle positions from which the United States

Eighth Army had been launching punishing attacks on the

Communists The 38th Parallel afforded no such positions In

the air, the domain of the Fifth Air Force was unchallenged on

either side of the ground battle line, except along the Yalu

River far to the north on the sea, United States Naval forces

held uncontested sway to the northernmost extremities of the

Korean coast line During the spring of 1951, this combina-

tion of United Nations Command combat arms had beaten

the Communists severely, so severely that in June they sought

an armistice Communist supplies to the ground forces had

been reduced to a tnclde by the incessant pounding of the

Navy and the Air Force The Eighth Army was moving ahead

inexorably, battering the Communist Army with superior fire-

power, threatening a decisive breakthrough Talk of extending

United States air action to Manchuna was rampant, complete

with ominous overtones of the atomic bomb Here, then, was

a Communist army on the verge of crushing military defeat,

seeking a respite from our military pressure an armistice It

was m such circumstances that Nam II mouthed his preten-

tious agenda

Nam Il's assertion that the 38th Parallel was indisputably

the proper truce line between the opposed forces rested ini-

tially on two logical, but erroneous, premises The first was the

N O R, T H

Hungnam

R E A

Pyngyang

Scalt of Mils

10 20 30 40 50

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

fact that Jacob Malik, Soviet Ambassador to the United Na-

tions, had made a public remark in June, 1951, to the effect

that both sides m Korea should withdraw from the ;$8th

Parallel and cease fire Since the United Nations Command

had taken the direct initiative in seeking an armistice soon

after Malik's remark, the Communists concluded that Malik's

suggested truce line was satisfactory to the United States Nam

IFs second main premise was the fact that the Secretary of

State of the United States had been reported as saying an

armistice on the 38th Parallel" would be satisfactory

For these reasons Nam II no doubt was confident that seri-

ous opposition to the 38th Parallel as a truce line either would

not develop or would not persist Accordingly, Nam II sought

to "stack" the agenda, presenting therein his conclusion that

the 38th Parallel was the only possible line of demarcation, or,

as he put it, "the basis of the armistice "

Discussion between Nam II and me flowed with all the

speed of a stiff concrete mix Each statement by Nam II had

to be translated into English and Chinese, each statement I

made had to be rendered m Korean and Chinese Interpreters

stood at the elbows of each senior delegate to perform this

exacting function Nam II appeared to be somewhat irritated

by the inevitable delays of translation, and more so by the

occasional errors made by his own interpreters For our side,

Lieutenants Horace and Dick Underwood, brothers, handled

the Korean translation, and Warrant Officer Kenneth Wu

provided the Chinese They were impeccable linguists, adding

keen intelligence to their talents as interpreters

During translations, Nam II chain smoked, fiddled with

pencils (which he frequently broke), rattled papers, conversed

THE LOADED AGENDA

in whispers with his Chinese colleagues, and generally con-

ducted himself like a cat on a hot tin roof The actual power

in the Communist delegation, shrewd Chinese General Hsieh

Fang, watched proceedings broodingly Occasionally he passed

a terse note to Nam II, who invariably seemed to comply with

the instructions contained therein Hsieh Fang's sole conces-

sion to the tension of the situation was a nervous bobbing of

his close-cropped head His saturnine yellow face was a set

mask, revealing nothing, expressing nothing

These two men, Nam II of North Korea and Hsieh Fang of

Red China, were the source of all actions by the Communist

delegation, with the Chinese taking an increasingly dominant

role as fame passed Between them they provided unplumbed

depths of cunning and deviousness as they sought to fasten

upon the Korean Armistice Conference their 'loaded" agenda

They failed The agenda finally adopted, after ten plenary

sessions of bitter argument, contained no conclusions It read

as follows

1 Adoption of the agenda

2 Fixing a military demarcation line between both sides

so as to establish a demilitarized zone as a basic condition for

the cessation of hostilities in Korea

3 Concrete arrangements for the realization of cease fire

and armistice in Korea, including the composition, authority,

and functions of a supervisory organ for carrying out the terms

of cease fire and armistice

4 Arrangements relating to prisoners of war

5 Recommendations to governments of countries con-

cerned on both sides

Despite the success of the United Nations Command dele-

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

gafaon m preventing inclusion of Communist "conclusions" in

the agenda, in retrospect it is clear that we made a grave error

m forming the agenda, a mistake which ultimately cost us

dearly We failed to foresee the use that the Communists

would make of the chronological order of the agenda items

By allowing the item on "Establishment of a Demarcation

Line" to precede all others, we opened for the Communists a

road to a de facto cease fire prior to agreement on other sub-

stantive questions By agreeing to discuss the position of the

truce line first, we permitted the Communists to insist that

this question had to be settled before other agenda items were

explored As will be discussed m a later chapter, on orders

from Washington we eventually agreed to a provisional truce

line with a thirty-day time limit, thereby giving the Com-

munists a respite from United Nations Command military

pressure This allowed the Communists a sorely needed breath-

ing spell in which to dig m and stabilize their battle line

Consequently, they were able to haggle and delay in respect to

subsequent agenda items, free from the compulsion of im-

pending military disaster

In the end, the second principle of Communist negotiating

methods, that of "stacking" the agenda, was frustrated I must,

in honesty, hasten to add that this outcome was not principally

the result of negotiating skill on the part of the United Na-

tions Command delegation Rather, it was the result of our

unmistakably firm refusal to agree to inclusion of Communist

conclusions in the agenda, and to the crucially important fact

that the United States Government backed the United Nations

Command delegation to the hilt m this attitude Probably

most of all, the result was the product of the heavy pressure

THE LOADED AGENDA

which had been exerted on the Communist armies by United

Nations Command offensive operations pnor to the confer-

ence Nothing is so persuasive to Communists as force

That the Communist agenda effort failed certainly was not

a result of a lack of Communist effort at Kaesong, nor does it

imply an omission of that same effort in the future Attempt-

ing to ng an agenda with conclusions favorable to their cause

costs the Communists nothing but the respect of those few

people who persist in being so naively charitable as to put faith

in the sincerity of Communist intentions These few the

Communists will disillusion at future negotiations The rest

of us will not be surprised.

CHAPTER IV

INCIDENTS

Once negotiations have actually begun, Communists are not

satisfied to allow matters to proceed in a climate of peace and

calm Rather, they create "incidents" calculated to provide

advantage for then: negotiating efforts or for their basic propa-

ganda objectives, or for both Such "incidents" do not simply

occur they are plotted and triggered by the Communist nego-

tiating teams Their two purposes, negotiating advantage and

propaganda, are usually served equally by a. single incident

Such a case was the first incident at Kaesong

The strong insistence on equitable conditions at Kaesong

registered by General Ridgway and me, coupled with tem-

porary suspension of negotiations, had forced the Communists

to agree to withdraw their armed personnel from the imme-

diate vicinity of the Kaesong meeting place and to cease

interfering with the movements of the United Nations Com-

mand delegation The Communists had been compelled to

accept these arrangements when General Ridgway peremp-

torily halted the negotiations on July i2th He refused to allow

the United Nations Command delegation to return to Kae-

INCIDENTS

song until the Communist commanders agreed to guarantee

the neutrality of the meeting area Their urgent need for a

military breathing spell left the Communists no choice except

that of acceding to General Ridgway's just demands for equity

at Kaesong This transaction between General Ridgway and

the Communist commanders was conducted in glaring pub-

licity, to the keen embarrassment of the Communists

As a result, the picture so carefully nurtured by the Com-

munists, the picture of a United Nations Command begging

' JL OO O

a truce, had been knocked somewhat askew To Communist

minds it was clear that the tune had come for an incident It

was necessary to paint in bold strokes the fact of Communist

military dominance at Kaesong They went about the job with

commendable directness

On the morning of 4 August, the United Nations Com-

mand delegation was proceeding toward the Kaesong teahouse

in which the meetings were held Our convoy of jeeps was

halted in mid-course while an entire company of about one

hundred heavily armed Chinese, complete with machine guns

and mortars, marched across our path and through the imme-

diate conference area This was in flagrant violation of the

commitments made to General Ridgway by the Communist

commanders only two weeks earlier The point of this demon-

stration seemed to be that notwithstanding verbal agreements

to keep the conference area free of armed men, no one would

be allowed to forget the hard fact that Communist military

forces actually surrounded and controlled the area To illus--

trate the point, the Communists simply marched an organized

military force through the conference environs

On entering the conference room, I immediately registered

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

a vigorous protest to Nam II Blandly, he replied that the forces

in question were "military police" Military police rarely

march about in groups of 100, carrying heavy machine guns

and 6o-milhmeter mortars

On returning to Munsan that evening, I reported the in-

cident to General Ridgway, advising mm that there could

be no possible construction placed upon it other than inten-

tional action designed to emphasize Communist military con-

trol of Kaesong General Ridgway reacted with characteristic

vigor Resorting again to open radio broadcast, he announced

suspension of the negotiations with resumption contingent on

the creation of a neutral zone around Kaesong into which no

armed personnel of either side were to be introduced

The Communists hesitated five days before acceding to

General Ridgwa/s requirements To accept even justified

dictation from the United Nations Command, establishing

equitable conditions at Kaesong, was destructive of the illu-

sion so painstakingly prepared Those days of hesitation must

have been a period of dead-end frustration for the Commu-

nists If they did not accept General Ridgway's requirements,

the military breathing spell they so badly needed would

terminate If they did accept General Ridgway's dictum, pre-

tensions that Communists sat at Kaesong in the seat of victors

would be difficult to believe At the last they chose what must

have seemed to them the lesser of the evils They did not do so,

however, without further efforts to turn even a bad situation

to then- advantage In replying to General Ridgway by radio

broadcast in the English language, they politely accepted his

requirements and requested the United Nations Command

delegation to return to Kaesong as soon as possible In trans-

INCIDENTS

mittrng the same message over their propaganda radios in

Japanese and Chinese, the wording was very different Instead

of "requesting" the return of the United Nations Command

delegation to Kaesong, the message "demanded at once"

Thus they hoped to preserve some vestige of their battered

illusion General Ridgway did not allow the Communists even

this face-saving maneuver Instead, he declared then reply

evasive and demanded still further assurances of equity at

Kaesong At the last the Communists were almost literally on

then: knees, hegging the return of the United Nations Com-

mand delegation

I feel sure that such a disastrous miscarriage of their scheme

to demonstrate military dominance caused the Communists

to invert the basic pattern of the incidents they instigated

Thereafter, all incidents were designed to regain "face" by

disclosing alleged United Nations Command brutality in the

use of military force around Kaesong, rather than Communist

dominance

The next "incident" unfolded by the Communists violently

revealed their new pattern on 19 August, Communist liaison

officers established contact with our own, charging that a

Chinese "security patrol" in the newly established Kaesong

neutral zone had been attacked by United Nations Command

troops Investigation revealed that a Chinese patrol of about

fifteen men had been fired on from ambush, and the leader

killed, a short distance within the imaginary circle of neutral-

ity around Kaesong A joint investigation did not reveal a

scrap of evidence that United Nations Command troops were

involved in this action All evidence pointed in the other direc-

tion For example, it was established beyond question that

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

those who executed the ambush were not in uniform, nor did

they wear steel helmets All United Nations Command troops

in Korea were fully uniformed and possessed the American

type of helmet We concluded that this incident was the work

of partisans living in the seventy-five square miles of the

neutral zone The Communists had previously informed our

liaison officers that "individuals hostile to the armistice nego-

tiations" were living in the Kaesong neutral zone A few

members of my staff suspected that the Communists might

have arranged the incident themselves, using their own troops

Despite all evidence to the contrary, the Communists

loudly trumpeted a charge of "wanton attack" by the United

Nations Command The new pattern had emerged The Com-

munist plan now was to invoke the sympathy of the world by

alleging fictitious brutalities perpetrated by the United

Nations Command Since the August i9th incident worked

out fairly well for the Communists, at least without disastrous

results, no doubt they felt encouraged Accordingly, they

hastened to cook up what they probably hoped would be a

masterpiece In this manner, the Kaesong conference site

came to be "bombed "

At midnight of August 22d, our liaison officer, Colonel A J

Krnney, was requested to come to Kaesong by his Communist

counterpart, Colonel Chang Chang's message to Krnney

alleged that United Nations Command aircraft had bombed

Kaesong in an effort to murder the Communist delegation

As I watched Kinney and his party depart in the dark and

in a steady rain, I did not envy them then: task

While at Kaesong, Kinney was shown a series of displays of

"evidence" calculated to prove a bombing of Kaesong had

INCIDENTS

occurred and had been earned out by United Nations Com-

mand aircraft Owing to the continuing activities of Air Force,

Navy, and Marine aircraft in and over the general area, a

possibility existed that one of our aviators had mistakenly at-

tacked the neutral zone on the other hand, Kmney, himself

an aviator, was not much impressed with the "evidence " He

was first shown a twisted piece of metal covered with oil which

the Communists stated was a napalm bomb dropped by the

attacking aircraft There was no napalm jelly about, no scorch-

ing of the earth, no evidence of an explosion Kmney identified

the piece of metal as the wing tip of a crashed aircraft At

another point Kinney was shown a small, unexploded aircraft

rocket The Communists asserted the attacking aircraft had

fired this projectile Unhappily for them, United Nations

Command air forces in Korea had not been issued a rocket of

that size in nearly a year Thus the show proceeded until

3 oo A M Standing in the darkness and pouring ram, Kinney

asked that the investigation be suspended until daylight

Chang refused, demanding an instant acknowledgment of

responsibility by the United Nations Command for this

"dastardly attack" (No one was injured, and nothing was

damaged by the alleged attack a result not common after a

United Nations Command air stake ) When Kinney refused

to acknowledge United Nations Command responsibility for

this evident sham, Chang then announced the immediate and

indefinite suspension of the armistice conference

When Kmney reported the foregoing events to me, one fact

stood out plainly No individual Communist, not even their

delegation, would have assumed the responsibility for termi-

nating the armistice conference without checking such inten-

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

faons with higher headquarters Yet Chang was able to make

his announcement of termination immediately upon hearing

that Kmney refused to acknowledge responsibility for the

"bombing" It was inconceivable that higher headquarters

(Pyongyang and Peiping, if not Moscow) could have been

reached and could have reacted in the few hours between the

alleged tune of the bombing and Kinney's disclaimer Accord-

ingly, the conclusion was inescapable that the decision to

terminate the conference was reached well before the alleged

bombing occurred This was the clincher which, along with

the other technical errors committed by the Communists in

setting up the "bombing," pointed the finger of responsibility

straight at themselves

Why did the Communists arrange the sham bombing of

Kaesong, with its resultant break-off of the armistice confer-

ence 7 The answer to this question probably lies in the argu-

ment over the truce line The initiation of armistice talks early

in July, amid high hopes in the Western world that hostilities

would soon cease, had caused a relaxation of United Nabons

Command military pressure on the Communist forces in

Korea The grinding attack of the United States Eighth Army

had been slowed down, granting the Communist forces an

opportunity to replenish their supplies and reinforce their

battered units By mid-August the military capabilities of the

Communist forces were improved over what they had been in

June Meanwhile, it had become apparent to the Communist

delegation that we would not accept the 38th Parallel of lati-

tude as the line of demarcation between both sides If they

wanted this Parallel as a truce line, they would have to drive

the battle hue southward in Korea until it became coincident

INCIDENTS

with the 38th Parallel This being so, there remained the ques-

tion of justifying the enormous casualties to be expected from

a general offensive To their minds it must have seemed desir-

able to break off the conference under circumstances which

apparently justified that action, and which also justified an-

other offensive against the United Nations Command For

such purposes, what could be better than to show a dastardly

attempt by the United Nations Command to murder the

Communist delegation in their beds? As an added fillip, such

guilt fixed upon the United Nations Command might create

dissension among the Western allies and weaken then: will to

resist an armistice on Communist terms

Because the Communist charges of "bombing" and "at-

tempted murder" were almost universally rejected throughout

the Western world, the Communists did not achieve their

purpose of creating dissension Because those charges no doubt

were believed throughout the Communist world, they prob-

ably achieved then: purpose of justifying the attacks launched

against the Eighth Army and the appalling losses suffered by

the Chinese as a consequence From that point on, the Com-

munist plan went completely sour After stopping and then

containing the initial attacks made by Communist forces, the

Eighth Army began a counteroffensive of its own By the end

of September, the enemy was again in deep trouble The line

of ground contact, far from being moved southward to the

38th Parallel, had moved northward under the pressure of the

United Nations Command offensive Seeing this, the Com-

munists promptly took action to resume the suspended nego-

tiations

Of all "incidents" by which the Communists sought to gain

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

advantages, none was so bloody nor so successful as the

Koje-do nots of prisoners of war By instigating a violent revolt

of prisoners held by the United Nations Command, the

Communists created an atmosphere which gravely jeopardized

the major position of our delegation in the armistice confer-

encethat relating to the exchange of prisoners How develop-

ments were affected by this maneuver will be described in a

later chapter It can be said now, however, that the prisoner

nots were a consummation of continuous Communist efforts

to gain negotiating or propaganda advantage by staging in-

cidents calculated to serve those ends

I shiver whenever I think by what narrow margins so many

of their plots were frustrated one thing is certain future

negotiations with the Communists will be marked by more

incidents The "incident" is one of then: tested techniques

Employing it, the Communists fumbled or were tapped up

many times in the Korean conference But we may be sure

they learned from those errors For the future, watch out'

CHAPTER V

ROADBLOCKS

One of the most notable negotiating tactics of the Com-

munists is to delay progress As a general matter, Communists

believe that once negotiations have been initiated, to delay

progress toward consummation of agreements tends to weaken

the position of their opponents They hope to exploit to their

advantage the characteristic impatience of Western peoples,

impatience to complete a task once it has been begun This is

a shrewd analysis, particularly as it applies to Americans We

are a people who like to get things done We are taught by

word and example throughout our lives that once we tackle a

job, the point is to finish it successfully as soon as possible It

is probably true that this same quality of impatience made

America the greatest nation on earth It is certainly true, how-

ever, that the Communist negotiating method recognizes and

seeks to gam advantage by aggravating our American tendency

to impatience through the imposition of endless delays

Another primary Western characteristic the Communists

rely upon in executing their delaying technique is our concern

for human suffering Since they are totally unaffected by

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

humane considerations, Communists are willing to impose

delays on negotiations even if such delays mean greatly in-

creased human suffering and loss of life At the same time,

they know well that we of the Western world are unwilling

to seek negotiating advantages through delays, if such delays

entail increased human misery Accordingly, Commu-

nist negotiators act upon the premise that if they delay

matters long enough, their free-world opponents will recede

from previously held positions in order to achieve a measure of

progress, especially in the face of continued war and its at-

tendant horrors

An example of the Communist delaying tactics occurred in

connection with the debate over fixing a line of demarcation

on which war should cease The United Nations Command

insisted that this should be in the area of the line of actual

ground contact, the battle line The Communists clung to

their proposal that the 38th Parallel be the truce line Bear in

mind that the Communists ultimately agreed to the line of

ground contact in fact, this solution probably was never truly

objectionable to them Still, they sought by extended argu-

ment to delay matters in the hope of realizing concessions

from our delegation In this context the following exchange

took place on 11 August, 1951

GENERAL NAM IL With regard to your statement yesterday that

your side is through with discussing our proposal of the 38th

Parallel, I cannot but consider it as a rude and improper

declaration that you are not willing to reach a settlement If

your side really has a senous intention to negotiate an

armistice and to reach a settlement, you should give up such

ROADBLOCKS

an attitude In accordance with our consistent attitude of

analyzing and studying the statements of the other side, I

have again studied your statement of yesterday

As a result, I cannot but say that our proposal of fixing

the 38th Parallel as the military demarcation line is fair and

reasonable and that it should be discussed and accepted on

the contrary, your proposal is unacceptable Contrary to

what you have been stating, our proposal of fixing the 3861

Parallel as the military demarcation line is first and fore-

most drawn up and formulated on the basis of real military

realities

The characteristics and trend of the development of the

war in the past seven months during this year, and the pres-

ent situation in which both sides occupy sectors similar in

area south and north of the 38th Parallel, reflect the mili-

tary realities of the battle front at the present stage There-

fore, to fix the 38th Parallel as the military demarcation line

between both sides is the most logical and workable pro-

posal

But you are not willing to give a concrete answer in your

refutation of our proposal, which has been proven to be

correct by both reason and facts, but you merely insist that

the sole purpose of our proposal of fixing the 38th Parallel

as the military demarcation line is the political division of

Korea Such a statement itself is a demonstration of your

deliberate ignorance of our repeatedly expressed views We

have clearly stated on 3 August that our proposal of fixing

the 38th Parallel as the military demarcation line is merely

to make it the military demarcation line to be observed by

both sides during the armistice

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

From its name alone, one should be able to understand

that it is not to be a political demarcation line But what

is more, we have further stated that the domestic problems

in Korea, including the problem of its unification, should be

settled by the Korean people themselves by peaceful and

democratic means after the realization of an armistice agree-

ment in Korea and the withdrawal of foreign armed forces

from Korea

Your persistent opposition to our statements and explana-

tions cannot but raise the question in our mind that since

you have no reason for your opposition, you are using such

statements which are contrary to facts to cover up your

inability to find an argument, and to cover up the real

motive of your insistence on pushing the military demarca-

tion line wholly to the north of the 38th Parallel I have

pointed out that your insistence on placing the military de-

marcation line to the north of the 38th Parallel and within

our positions proves that it is you who have malicious

political intentions All that I would like to say is that such

intention of yours can in no way be realized

You said again yesterday that we proposed to make the

38th Parallel the military demarcation line in order to save

face, but the plain truth is that we insist upon this proposal

simply because it reflects the military realities of the battle

front at the present stage, and is reasonable and fair to both

sides, and at the same time favorable to the peaceful settle-

ment of the Korean question

We insist upon the truth and intend to do nothing else

This allegation of yours is a fabrication and is inappropriate

We do not wish to hear again such discourteous remarks

ROADBLOCKS

As a matter of fact, the people who really wanted to save

face with respect to the military situation are those who

seek to attain by means of absurd theories what they have

not won, and the people who wanted to save face with re-

spect to the political situation are those who have crossed

the ocean to intervene in the domesbc affairs of another

country, not those who fight the foreign interventionists

heroically and selflessly It is clear enough, and requires no

further explanation

Yesterday, you also said that we deny completely the total

effect of your air and naval forces As a matter of fact, we

have never denied it on the contrary, we have given it due

appraisal What we are against is your attempt to secure

compensation on the ground by exaggerating the effective-

ness of your air and naval forces, and thus to place the mili-

tary demarcation line north of the 38th Parallel and within

our positions

We say that if it were not for the indiscriminate bombing

and bombardment by your air and naval forces, your army

would have long ago been driven out of the Korean Penin-

sula by our mighty and superior ground forces That is our

fairly high appraisal of the effectiveness of your air and

naval forces Moreover, ever since 27 July, we have repeat-

edly explained by logic and by facts this self-evident situa-

tion Yet, you have never given any concrete reply to our

explanation and instead still insisted upon the independ-

ence and superiority of your air and naval forces, and upon

the compensation you must get for it when drawing the

military demarcation line on the ground This is not a com-

mendable attitude

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Could you explain how your proposal can still stand when

the premise upon which your proposal has been conceived

and raised has already been refuted and is no longer exist-

ent? It is indeed entirely unjustifiable that up until now you

should still cling to your proposal To insist upon doing

what is itself entirely unjustifiable, is this not for the pur-

pose of attaining some malignant political desire?

From your statements we really cannot see that your pro-

posal is a proposal of the so-called armistice at the current

battle line Sometimes you claim that your proposed mili-

tary demarcation line and demilitarized zone are based on

the present battle line Sometimes you say that your pro-

posed demilitarized zone is located in the general area of

the battle line You also deliberately confuse the military

demarcation line with the battle line

If your proposal were m reality, as you claim it to be, the

military demarcation line you proposed should have been

the present battle line itself Yet the military demarcation

line you draw on the map is deep within our area north of

the 38th Parallel I do not understand why you have not

been willing to clarify this point frankly

You say your proposed demilitarized zone may be ad-

justed This we have noted Then why have I not been

responsive? For what actually is the nature of your so-called

adjustment? Actually, such adjustments are only for you to

occupy an area slightly less than 12,000 square kilometers

which we would give up if we withdrew from the present

battle line in accordance with your proposal

Do you suppose it possible for us to take an inter-

est in such adjustments? If you allege that I have not

ROADBLOCKS

understood you correctly, will you point out the exact

mistake?

You have indeed stated more than once that you are

always willing to discuss your demilitarized zone on the

basis of the present battle line and the military situation or

military realities, as you sometimes call them

But to my knowledge your proposed demilitarized zone is

the area between the lines drawn on your map, and those

three lines are north of the 38th Parallel, above the present

battle line, and within our positions Consequently, such a

statement on your part is just empty words without any

actual meaning

For the above reasons, we contend that the arguments

supporting your proposal are untenable and, therefore, your

proposal is unreasonable, unfair, and indeed absurd Hence

it cannot be considered

Finally, I wish to state again that a demilitarized zone

based on the 38th Parallel is fair and reasonable As soon as

we determine the pnnciple of fixing the 38th Parallel as the

military demarcation line, the details of the demilitarized

zone will not be difficult to negotiate when it comes to the

discussion of a demihtanzed zone

ADMIRAL JOY Yesterday you stated "Has it occurred to you,

that according to your logic, should our army, acknowledged

as mighty and supenor by the whole world, stop fighting so

that your troops will escape the fate of annihilation, are we

not entitled to an even greater compensation and to pro-

pose a demarcation line and demihtanzed zone to the

neighborhood of the Naktong River?" Again today you

mention your mighty and supenor ground forces

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

We do not now, nor have we ever disputed the great

numerical preponderance of your ground forces However,

in view of your progress northward since February, we

ridicule your use of the word "superior" We are quite

willing to let the world judge that point

We also recognize as self-evident the fact that the cap-

abilities of these already numerically greater ground forces,

available to you, will begin to increase the day an armistice

goes into effect These same capabilities will continue to

materially increase each week the armistice is in effect It is

during this period when our air and naval forces must re-

main inactive that your ground troops could be rested and

re-equipped without interference They could be positioned

at your leisure

We know well that once these ground forces are fully

reconditioned they have the capability, which presently is

restricted, of launching and sustaining an attack that could

be disastrous to any force not in a naturally strong and well

defensive position We know that you recognize that fact

also

It is exactly for the reasons you have stated that this dele-

gation has consistently pointed out that the United Nations

Command requires adequate natural defense positions with

sufficient depth to ensure that they cannot be quickly over-

run by a numerically greater ground force We realize that

it would take several weeks of full-time operation for our air

and naval forces to agam create the situation in your rear

areas that presently prohibit the full utilization of your

numerically greater ground forces

It is precisely for these stated reasons that the United

ROADBLOCKS

Nations Command delegation has consistently held that the

military realities which govern the present situation justify

improvement m the defensive position of our ground forces

as a just compensation for the withdrawal of our strong air

and naval forces

You have criticized our proposed demilitarized zone We

would welcome an exposition of your conception of a de-

militarized zone based on the present battle line and the

over-all military situation Will you provide us a map show-

ing such a zone?

GENERAL NAM IL Is that all?

ADMIRAL JOY That is all

GENERAL NAM IL We have repeatedly explained the military

demarcation line and also the demilitarized zone We

clearly explained that the 3 8th Parallel should be fixed as

the military demarcation line and troops of both sides

should withdraw ten kilometers on each side and establish

a zone of twenty lolometers as the demilitarized zone

The 38th Parallel appears clearly on the map The with-

drawal of ten kilometers north and south of the 38th

Parallel, that is so clear that one does not have to look it

up on a map

In my statement this morning, I have again made clear

the content of our proposal and pointed out that your pro-

posal is unacceptable

You have deliberately maintained, in order to confuse

people, that the military demarcation line and the demil-

itarized zone you proposed are based on the present battle

line and that they are located in the general area of the

battle line You have also deliberately confused the military

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

demarcation line, the southern boundary of the de-

militarized zone and the present battle line

In order to support your proposal of pushing the military

demarcation line to the north of the 38th Parallel, deep into

our positions, you have persistently emphasized the so-

called superiority of your naval and air forces and that,

therefore, you must be compensated on the ground

Yet, today you have presented a new and strange argu-

ment that since our army is already superior at present, it

will be more so after armistice and, therefore, you should be

again compensated for reasons of security In using these

self-contradictory arguments in support of your proposal, do

you not feel ridiculous?

You said that because your air and naval forces were

strong you should be compensated, and now you admit that

your army is weak, but again you claim that you should be

compensated Just imagine, you need compensation no mat-

ter whether you are strong or weak Is that not completely

without reason, and wholly nonsense?

It has been proved that your proposal is untenable and

that our proposal is based on reason Therefore, whatever

novel and ridiculous arguments you should fabricate, they

would never bolster up your proposal

I can tell you frankly that as long as you do not abandon

your unreasonable proposal, it will not be possible for our

conference to make any progress

As for our proposal, its reasons are irrefutable, therefore it

is unshakable We insist on our proposal of making the 38th

Parallel the military demarcation line

ADMIRAL JOY Yesterday you used the word "arrogant" in con-

ROADBLOCKS

nection with a proposal the United Nations Command

delegation now has before this conference The United

Nations Command delegation has been in search of an ex-

pression which conveys the haughty intransigence, the

arbitrary inflexibility, and the unreasoning stubbornness of

your attitude Arrogance is indeed the word for it

From the first day of these conferences your arguments

have reflected the very essence of arrogance You stated, in

your opening remarks, that your view in regard to a military

line of demarcation had to be accepted You have made the

same statement over and over again once more yesterday,

you stated that your solution to the question of a demarca-

tion Ime "must be accepted " Your attitude has been that of

an arrogant dictator, not that of a negotiator seeking in

good faith an end of hostilities.

By your obdurate and unreasoning refusal to negotiate

you have brought these meetings to a standstill You have

slammed every door leading to possible progress By trying

to deceive the world into believing that you have defeated

the United Nations Command, you have delayed and

stalled these meetings You refuse to negotiate except on

your own terms, thus seeking to falsely portray yourself as a

victor dictating to the vanquished

When the United Nations Command delegation pre-

sented its original proposal regarding a demarcation line,

you rejected it summarily You stated you would not give it

serious consideration You contemptuously knocked aside

the map we offered for your consideration

When the United Nations Command delegation pro-

posed that possible adjustments of the demarcation line

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

based on the battle line be considered you flatly rejected this

proposal You implied there was no need to study the physi-

cal location of a demilitarized line, since you had already

provided a solution you unilaterally considered suitable

When the United Nations Command delegation urged

you to join it m studying the proposed demilitarized zone

from a map, you refused The United Nations Command

delegation pointed out that to study the proposed demili-

tarized zone on a map would at least clear up any possible

misunderstanding concerning the proposal You rejected

even that

Yesterday you placed a conclusive cap on your record of

arrogance You stated, and I quote "We oppose the scheme

of fixing the military demarcation line at the present battle

line/' unquote You thus revealed clearly the fact that you

engaged in these conferences only to present demands, not

to negotiate solutions You seek to gain a political division

of Korea by mere repetition of your arrogant demands You

offer no logic because you have none You merely state,

restate, and state again your peremptory demands

All the world realizes that a military armistice is a device

to halt the fighting until the issues which caused the fight-

ing to start are settled All the world knows, therefore, that

military armistices are and ought to be a reflection of the

over-all military situation at the time the armistice is put in

effect Yet you, in your absurd arrogance, oppose a military

demarcation line conforming with present military reali-

ties

The United Nations Command delegation has thus been

unable to negotiate the question of a demarcation line with

ROADBLOCKS

you who refuse to negotiate As a result, the United Nations

Command delegation yesterday proposed to shift discussion

to Item 3 of our agreed agenda, dealing with Concrete

Arrangements for the Cessation of Hostilities The United

Nations Command delegation explained to you its hope

that by putting aside temporarily the question of a demarca-

tion line and delving into the details of stopping hostilities,

a later return to the matter of a demarcation line might find

a favorable atmosphere Using a previously prepared state-

ment you rejected this also In addition to rejecting the pro-

posal to discuss concrete arrangements for ceasing hos-

tilities, you gratuitously rejected discussion of Item 4, deal-

ing with relieving the suffering of prisoners of war I ask you

to reconsider these decisions

In adhering to your futile fixation on an effort to divide

Korea by cloaking political maneuvers under the guise of a

military armistice, ^ou have blocked every earnest effort of

the United Nations Command delegation to make progress

toward a cessation of bloodshed and suffering Your cold

calculations take no account of such matters as the pitiful

suffering of the Korean people

Ruthlessly, arrogantly, and with the assumed air of a

victor, you baldly assert that your demands must be met

The record of these proceedings has become your unanswer-

able accuser You did not come here to stop the fighting

You did not come here to negotiate an armistice You came

here to state your price your political price for which you

are willing to sell the people of Korea a temporary respite

from pain You have tned to camouflage your purpose in

words cleverly designed to trap the unwary You are failing

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Your arrogance and your bad faith stain through every at-

tempted deception The immutable facts hold you guilty of

having delayed, and of continuing to delay, the end of hos-

tilities in Korea I do not envy you the place to which Truth

assigns you

Today we have again made no progress I trust the pro-

ceedings have provided you an opportunity to reflect on the

unreasonableness of your inflexible position, and of your

refusal to give serious consideration to any but your own

ideas I trust they have impressed upon you the firmness of

the rejection by the United Nations Command delegation

of your effort to negotiate a political division of Korea I

hope they have brought to your mind those who die in the

continuing warfare, victims of your refusal to discuss a mili-

tary solution to a military problem I hope they have raised

in you a desire for the end of bloodshed which would attend

a cessation of hostilities If so, the way is open to you I

leave these thoughts with you

I propose a recess until 1100 hours our time tomorrow

ENERAL NAM XL There is nothing new in your statement

Your statement does not frighten us and cannot change our

stand As our proposal of making the 38th Parallel the mili-

tary demarcation line and our proposal of establishing a

demilitarized zone is fan:, reasonable, and proper, we will

continue to insist upon it

We agree to your proposal of recessing until tomorrow,

1000 our tune, and 1100 your tune

The most extended delay imposed upon the Korean Armis-

tice Conference by the Communists was in connection with

ROADBLOCKS

the exchange of prisoners of war The United Nations Com-

mand took the position that all prisoners of war should be

"screened," that is, questioned individually as to whether they

wished to return to the side of their origin We contended

that if a prisoner refused to return to Communism, we should

not force him to do so at gun point This was the procedure

of "screening" and the principle of "no forced repatriation"

of prisoners advocated by the United Nations Command dele-

gation The Communists attacked the "screening" process as

one the United Nations Command conducted under a

reign of terror Violent nots plotted and executed by the

Communist prisoners held by the United Nations Command

had resulted inevitably in some injuries and deaths among

these prisoners Thus the Communists provided themselves

with excellent propaganda with which to denounce our

screening process and our principle of "no forced repatria-

tion"

For more than a year the Communists refused to accept this

procedure and this principle In the end they did accept them,

unchanged in any significant detail from then- substance of a

year earlier, when first advanced This delay cost all involved

more than fourteen months of war in Korea Casualties result-

ing in that period ran into hundreds of thousands Yet,

throughout, the Communists clung to the hope that their de-

laying tactics would so impose upon either the impatience or

the humanity of the Western governments as to cause us to

abandon the principle of no forced repatriation When they

finally came to the conclusion that such an erosion was not

going to occur, the armistice was achieved As an illustration

of the unchanging nature of the United Nations Command

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

position on prisoner exchange, consider the following discus-

sion These exchanges took place more than a year before the

armistice was signed Bear in mind that the ultimate exchange

of prisoners did not involve forcing unwilling prisoners to

return to the side of their origin

GENERAL NAM IL The iron-clad fact is that your side has ear-

ned out violence against our captured personnel and pushed

through your so-called screening by force in an attempt to

retain forcibly our captured personnel as your cannon fod-

der The reason is perfectly clear If the criminal acts

committed by your side in pushing through by violent

means your so-called screening among our captured per-

sonnel had not reached an intolerable degree, our captured

personnel would not have run the risk of mass murder by

raising their just demands to your side Your side has em-

ployed violence, conducted forcible screening to retain our

captured personnel, and rearmed them to serve as your

cannon fodder

The responsible authorities of your side attempted to

deceive the world by claiming that your side would not buy

an armistice by turning over human beings for slaughter or

slavery But it is exactly your side who would not hesitate

to pay the cost of an armistice in Korea for the forceful re-

tention of captured personnel to be subjected to your mur-

der and slavery And in order to attain this objective your

side has already subjected our captured personnel to con-

stant slaughter and slavery

Can your side deny that the criminal acts of "insults,

torture, forcible writing of petitions in blood, threatening,

ROADBLOCKS

confinement, mass murder, shooting and machine gunning,

making experiments on prisoners of war with poison gas,

germ weapons, and atomic bombs" earned out by your side

against our captured personnel in disregard of the Geneva

Convention relating to prisoners of war and repudiating the

minimum standard of human behavior are all concrete facts

of slaughter and slavery?

To retain our captured personnel for your murder and

slavery, that is the substance of your unilateral and unrea-

sonable proposition on the question of prisoners of war

embodied in your proposal The heroic struggles of our

captured personnel have revealed to the whole world the

substance of your proposal

Your side has no longer any pretext to continue to insist

on your unilateral and unreasonable proposal, to delay the

armistice negotiations, and to block the realization of an

armistice in Korea Our side has pointed out long ago that

it is an inescapable and absolute obligation of the com-

manders of both sides to repatriate unconditionally all the

prisoners of war in their custody following the armistice,

and that it is totally impermissible to conduct any screening

of the war prisoners

The so-called screening is in itself absurd It is in viola-

tion of the explicit stipulations of the Geneva Convention

relating to prisoners of war, and in contravention of all

international laws Screening itself is absolutely impermis-

sible It becomes even more so when your pnsoner-of-war

camps are fraught with overt and covert maltreatment and

persecution and intimidation, when there is no freedom at

all in your pnsoner-of-war camps for our captured personnel

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

to express their free will, but only freedom for your side to

perpetrate violence and acts of murder and to coerce our

captured personnel by overt and covert and direct and in-

direct means, and when no genuinely impartial organization

would go to your prisoner-of-war camps to conduct the so-

called rescreenmg, which is utterly impermissible, and to be

deceived and suffer insults by your side

Your so-called screening is only a direct design to deceive

the people both on our side and your side, and by which

you attempt to retain forcibly our captured personnel Our

side is firmly and unshakably opposed to it

In these conferences your side has persistently taken the

peremptory attitude of refusing to reason, refusing to nego-

tiate, and refusing to carry out discussions, and attempting

by this to force our side to accept your unilateral and un-

reasonable proposition Outside of the conferences, your

side has successfully earned out frequent provocative acts in

violation of agreement, including strafing against your own

captured personnel, attacking vehicles serving our delega-

tion and attacking the Kaesong neutral area, resulting in

repeated serious incidents of bloodshed Your such per-

emptory attitude and provocative acts will avail nothing

except to reveal to the people throughout the world your

intention to delay and even to disrupt the armistice negotia-

tions And the responsibility for delaying the armistice

negotiations rests entirely upon your side

Our side has categorically rejected your unilateral and un

reasonable proposal Our proposal is the only reasonable

basis for the settlement of the question of the prisoners of

war and the attainment of an armistice The question of

ROADBLOCKS

prisoners of war is now, in effect, the only question blocking

the realization of an armistice in Korea

ADMIRAL JOY It has been our thought that in a very short

time your propaganda would become so transparently

ridiculous as to condemn itself Your statement today con-

firms that judgment Will you agree to put your wild

charges to the test of fact by repeating the screening process

under the joint supervision of both sides, or do you fear the

outcome? We are willing to repeat the screening of pris-

oners under conditions of strict equity as between your side

and ours What you object to is not the screening process

but its results

As long as you continue to have nothing constructive to

offer, I suggest a recess until such tame as you desire to meet

again

GENERAL NAM iL How can it be wasting time when we ask

you to deal responsibly with your clear violation of the

agreement, and how can it be a waste of fame when we ask

your side to accept our proposal for the settlement of the

question and when we point out your illegal actions? We

have all the rights to point out at the conference all the

serious incidents in which your side has successively violated

the agreement and we have the right to ask you for a respon-

sible settlement of them

Your attempt to use the word "propaganda" to cover up

the iron-clad facts which are detrimental to your proposition

only serves to show that your side has already run out of any

reason or argument, that your side cannot look into the eyes

of the people of the world

Your side has taken the peremptory attitude of refusing

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

to reason and refusing to negotiate, and all people through-

out the world can make the judgment that it is exactly your

side and only your side which is delaying and even trying to

disrupt the negotiations

As I have already pointed out, the so-called screening in

itself is impermissible, the forced screening conducted by

your side among our captured personnel is a criminal act

No sober or just-minded person would enter your prisoner-

of-war camps under overt or covert or direct or indirect

pressure, thus to legalize the criminal acts perpetrated by

your side

In order to realize the ardent wish of the peace-loving

people of the world for an armistice in Korea, it is our duty,

which should not be evaded by either side, to come to these

conferences and conduct discussion In accordance with our

consistent stand of striving for an armistice in Korea, our

side insists on the normal holding of conferences However,

I must point out that the conferences are held through

agreement by both sides If your side is determined to dis-

rupt the armistice negotiations, your side is free to declare

that you are not coming to meet with us, but unless your

side officially announces the disruption of the conferences,

our side will continue to insist upon the normal holding of

conferences to explain day after day our reasonable pro-

posal, to refute your unilateral and unreasonable proposi-

tion, and to insist upon settling the issues confronting the

conferences through reasoning and negotiating

Our side proposes that the conferences be continued at

the usual time tomorrow

ADMIRAL JOY Very well, we agree

ROADBLOCKS

In total, the Communists utilized delaying tactics to string

out the Korean Armistice Conference for more than two years

A period covering seventeen days was required to reach agree-

ment on what was to be discussed The conference was sus-

pended by Communist action over the previously descnbed

Kaesong "bombing" incident for a cumulative period of ap-

proximately two months Agreement to use the actual battle

line as a cease-fire line was finally reached more than four

months after the conference began Agreement to refrain from

forcibly returning prisoners to the side of their origin was

wrung from the Communists after two years of delay In each

of these cases, the delay imposed on the conference was the

direct result of Communist tactics, since in each case the ulti-

mate solution was substantially that which had been originally

proposed by the United Nations Command, months or years

earlier

To the uninitiated it may seem inequitable to charge the

Communists with deliberately delaying the conference during

periods in which they argued for their proposed solution of a

particular issue as against the solution proposed by the United

Nations Command one must consider the nature of the pro-

posals involved, however, to determine responsibility We

Americans tend strongly to a line of action that we call "being

reasonable " This means that each party to a dispute should

be prepared to modify his position somewhat in an effort to

achieve an agreeable solution Yet, such an attitude is based

on the implicit assumption that each party to the dispute

sincerely believes his position is the correct one. We do not

compromise with a man who insists that 2 plus 2 equal 6 Nor

would we seriously consider the view of one who presented us

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

a bill for $10,000 in connection with repairing our television

set The point is that the relative reasonableness of initial

positions taken must be considered before we decide that both

parties in a dispute should give a little

Initially the United Nations Command delegation pro-

posed a trace line north of the line of ground contact We

contended that a northward adjustment of the ground-contact

line was necessary to compensate for the withdrawal of United

Nations Command air and naval operations, which ranged

hundreds of miles north of the embattled ground forces This

was a bargaining position, and even while proposing it we made

plain our interest in a solution on the line of ground contact

The Communists, however, insisted on the 38th Parallel

Thus the effective proposal of the United Nations Com-

mand was that the truce line conform to the line of ground

contact between the two opposing armies This proposal re-

quired neither side to withdraw its ground forces from the

positions then held, to surrender no territory then controlled

It did require the United Nations Command to withdraw its

air and naval forces from areas in which they were freely

operabng In contrast, the Communists insisted on a truce

line, the 38th Parallel, that would have required a general

withdrawal of the United States Eighth Army twenty to fifty

miles, with a corresponding advance of the Communist army

With this solubon, the Communists would have achieved the

capture of a large territory they had not been able to win in

war

It is apparent that the two solutions of the trace line ques-

tion cited above cannot be considered rough equivalents,

representing two differing but equally sincere views The

ROADBLOCKS

battle-line solution was, in itself, a substantial concession to

the Communist viewpoint, in that the United Nations Com-

mand agreed to suspend the activities of our air and naval

forces deep in the Communist rear By accepting this solution,

the Communists received at least equity The months they

expended in an attempt to gam advantages far in excess of

equity must be charged to them as delaying tactics.

Because of our American tendency to feel that a deadlocked

issue should be solved by mutual concessions, the Com-

munists are on favorable ground in applying their delaying

tactics By proposing that 2 plus 2 equal 6, and by then delay-

ing an agreement mtermrnably, the Communists hope to lead

us to agree that 2 plus 2 equal 5

CHAPTER VI

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

Communists realize that negotiations must necessarily result

in some few agreements that are objectionable from their

point of view They know that the very nature of the act of

negotiating involves accepting some of their opponent's pro

posals either in whole or in part Since they appreciate this as

inevitable, Communists seek to reduce the magnitude of com-

mitments they are compelled to make and which they intend

to dishonor They aspire to reduce the scope of investigations

which may anse from their premeditated violations of agree-

ments There is no question in my mind that this dark

thought lies behind the current Communist refusal to accept

effective inspection and supervision of any international agree-

ment to disarm

To illustrate the cunous Communist concept we are now

considering, let us take a hypothesis that a town existed in

which there was no police force, no organization of any land

devoted to maintaining law and order In such a case let us

suppose that the respectable people of the town insisted upon

the establishment of a police force If the criminal element

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

was unable to prevent the formation of a police force, would

not these criminals seek to restrict its size 7 Since the criminal

element intended to continue the practice of crime, how much

better for them would it be if the police force consisted of

only one officer? This is analogous to the Communist ap-

proach to agreements they intend to dishonor They strive to

reduce the effectiveness of the supervisory and investigating

capabilities applying to agreements

Perhaps the most staking example of this Communist tactic

occurred in connection with determination of the number of

"ports of entry/' during the debates on Agenda Item 3 This

agenda item dealt with setting up armistice safeguards against

either side increasing its military capabilities during the truce

period Agreement had been reached between the two delega-

tions limiting the resupply of war materials and replacement

of military personnel to that necessary to sustain the existing

levels in Korea at the time the armistice went into effect No

increases in levels of war materials or personnel were to be per-

mitted As a result of this agreement, it became necessary to

specify the cities, or ports of entry, through which permissible

resupply was to be effected, and to provide groups of observers

"policemen" at each entry port to supervise the resupply

activities This would mean that all permissible resupply must

pass through the specified entry ports, there to be checked by

the observers appointed from neutral nations which had not

participated in the Korean War For this purpose, the Com-

munists proposed one city in North Korea, one in South

Korea

In order to appreciate the meaning of this Communist pro-

posal, one must recall that the Communist army in Korea

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

numbered nearly one million men All military supplies for

this force came from outside Korea To sustain a force of such

numbers, even under conditions of truce, through one entry

port in North Korea was and is a logistic fantasy Calculations

by the logisticians of the United States Far East Command

indicated that a minimum of five ports of entry would be re-

quired to support the United Nations Command forces m

Korea, despite the fact it numbered less than half the Com-

munist strength With all due respect for the ingenuity of the

Communists in solving their logistics problems, it could not

be accepted that they were ten fames as capable as the United

Nations Command We, therefore, were forced to conclude

that they had no intention of abiding by the agreement to use

only the specified ports of entry, regardless of the number In

furtherance of this intention they sought to limit the number

of ports of entry, since by doing so they would reduce the

number of neutral observers behind then- lines, and thus

gam greater freedom to violate the agreements regarding

resupply

Being intent on honoring the resupply agreement scrupu-

lously, and having no fear of any number of neutral observers,

the United Nations Command initially proposed ten ports of

entry on each side The Communists absolutely refused to

consider this They wanted no such number as ten neutral

observer teams stationed in their rear areas, and embarrassing

their opportunities to violate agreements

After extended debate the Communists altered their original

proposal to provide for three ports of entry on each side In

seeking to gain our acceptance of this insufficient number, the

Communists expended more than a month of conference

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

effort It was apparent they were quite anxious to have no

more neutral observer teams in their rear areas than could not

be avoided For our part, we realized that the Communists

probably had no intention of honoring the agreement on ports

of entry, but since the United Nations Command intended to

comply with that agreement we had to insist on enough ports

of entry to render our compliance possible After many weeks

of debate, agreement on five ports of entry was finally reached

In like manner, the Communists argued stubbornly against

the United Nations Command proposals regarding allowances

for the rotabon of personnel Rotation allowances were in-

tended to provide authority for the replacement of personnel

as they were withdrawn from Korea on completion of tours of

duty It must be remembered that the basic conditions being

sought by the armistice conference were those of truce, not of

peace Accordingly, it was necessary to sustain the military

strength of the United Nations Command during the period

of truce, and until a peace settlement was reached Without

rotabon allowances, the individuals in Korea would be obliged

to remain there indefinitely, or alternabvely the force would

have faded out of existence as a result of routine complebon

of tours of duty The United Nabons Command policies pro-

vided for one year of duty in Korea for each military man, at

the end of which the individual was withdrawn and another

took his place As a result, it was necessary to replace about

35,000 men each month In this manner a force of 420,000

men could be completely replaced in a year's tune Yet, with a

force in Korea of about 1,000,000 men, the Communists

initially proposed a rotabon rate of only 5,000 per month

This would have meant a tour of duty of seven years for

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

American soldiers in Korea, and a tour of about fifteen years

for Chinese soldiers in Korea Despite the obvious nonsense of

this proposal, the Communists held to it for months Their

purpose was a dual one First, by holding personnel rotation

allowances to a grossly insufficient figure, they hoped to ac-

complish the attrition of United Nations Command forces

until none remained in Korea Second, the Communists hoped

to reduce the number of neutral observers needed in then

rear areas by curtailing the scope of the activities to be ob-

served They did not succeed on the question of rotation

allowances, Washington for once permitted the United Na-

tions Command delegation to hold firm In the end the Com-

munists grudgingly accepted our figure of 35,000 for monthly

rotation of personnel

At the root of the Communist attitude toward such ques-

tions as the ports of entry, rotation allowances, and related

neutral observer teams lay their settled intent to circumvent

any aspect of the armistice agreement that did not operate

to their advantage It was with this same intent in mind that

they approached the question of airfield reconstruction

The United Nations Command delegation proposed to the

Communists that as of the fame the truce was signed, no new

construction or rehabilitation of airfields should take place on

either side This proposal was consistent with the spirit of

other proposals already accepted by the Communists Our

intent was to freeze the military situation m Korea as it existed

when the armistice went into effect Agreements to limit re-

supply of military mate'nel and replacement of personnel were

designed to prohibit an increase of combat effectiveness by

either side The article agreed to by the Communists m re-

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

spect to resupply of mate'riel specified that replacement of

military equipment should be earned out on an item-for-item

basis, "without increase of combat effectiveness " Obviously,

to build military airfields constituted an increase in combat

effectiveness, since the capabilities of air power are a function

of aircraft and bases This was especially true in the case of the

Communists, who possessed not a single continuously opera-

tional airfield in North Korea The Communist MIG aircraft

that operated along the Yalu River did so from bases in Man-

churia, immune from attack Airfields in North Korea, how-

ever, were regularly bombed by United Nations Command

aircraft and had not been "combat effective'* during any

significant period of the Korean War It did not make military

sense, therefore, to allow the Communists to utilize the respite

from bombardment afforded by a truce in rebuilding de-

stroyed airfields or in building new ones With restored air-

fields in North Korea from which to operate, the short-ranged

MIG jet fighter could sweep down out of the Manchunan

sanctuary, refuel on the North Korean bases, and launch heavy

attacks deep into South Korea This capability depended com-

pletely on the existence of operational North Korean bases

Such bases did not exist during the Korean War We of the

United Nations Command delegation could see no reason why

the Communists should be allowed to develop an important

military capability during the period of truce We felt that to

allow such action regarding airfields was not greatly different

than to allow the introduction of additional infantry divisions

into Korea, or any other action which would materially in-

crease Communist military capabilities We had to consider

the inescapable possibility that the armistice might not en-

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

dure, and therefore we could not willingly accept substantial

augmentation of our enemy's strength during the truce

The Communists attempted to imply by vague statements

that they really had no intention of building up military air-

fields during the truce period, but simply could not agree to

what they termed "unwarranted interference in our internal

affairs" (After the armistice was signed, the Communists

built more than twenty military airfields in North Korea )

They contended that the United Nations Command sought

to perpetuate the damage done by its "wanton bombings"

which, according to the Communists, had not really damaged

airfields, but instead had only killed innocent women and

children and laid hospitals and cultural buildings in rums

Still, they insisted on their right to rehabilitate the airfields

which, they inferred, we had failed to damage Listen to

Nam II on this point

GENERAL NAM JL I will make a statement In your statement

yesterday you once more put forth the proposal of the so-

called limitation on the increase of military f acihties of both

sides during the period of the armistice, and the view that

the supervising organ should have free access to all parts of

Korea I must point out once more that this proposal and

this view obviously involve political questions, and that the

military armistice conference absolutely should not and can-

not make decisions on them Such a proposal and view con-

stitute a direct interference m the internal affairs of the

other side, and are absolutely not to be tolerated

You say, "It is incredible that with good faith you could

propose inclusion into the armistice agreement of provisions

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

which would permit you to build up your military power "

I must emphatically point out that it is entirely a matter of

internal affairs of the Korean people to deal with then* own

defensive facilities during the armistice, and that there is

entirely no necessity to require that the provisions for this

permission should be made in the armistice agreement.

Whose air force has been carrying out inhuman and wan-

ton bombing in Korea, and whose air force has been

heroically fighting in self-defense against such inhuman

and wanton bombing is well known to the peoples through-

out the world It is exactly because of the fact that OUT ania-

arr-raid facilities are as yet not so universal as to cover the

whole of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea that

the wanton bombing of peaceful Korean towns and villages

by your an* force could have brought the Korean people such

a disaster as they shall never forget And yet your side

openly refuses to withdraw from Korea, during the military

armistice, the air force of your side which is used for offen-

sive purposes, and even refuses to discuss this question

What reason then can you have to interfere with the sacred

and inviolate right of the Korean people to defend them-

selves by arranging their defensive facilities?

The view put forth by your side that the supervising

organ shall have free access to all parts of Korea likewise

constitutes an interference in the internal affairs which our

side absolutely cannot tolerate I have already pointed out

that, under any circumstances whatsoever, it would be in-

conceivable and even less warranted that during the mili-

tary armistice, when the state of war is yet to be terminated,

one of the belligerents should establish observation posts

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

for conducting ground, sea, and air observation beyond the

demilitarized zone at principal cities, ports, and commu-

nication centers of the other side which is an independent

sovereign state, that it should have freedom of movement

over the principal lines of communication in the rear of the

other side, and that it should carry out aerial observation

and photographic reconnaissance throughout the rear of the

other side You state that your side would welcome observa-

tion by our side, but our side has no intention whatsoever

to carry out reconnaissance in the so-called area under

your control, nor does our side have the intention to inter-

fere in the internal affairs of the so-called area under your

control, nor in any case will we agree to your attempt to

have free access to the territory of our side to carry out

reconnaissance

ADMIRAL JOY You have offered nothing new in your state-

ment We have heard the same propaganda before Your

statement only convinces us of the purposes you have in

mind during the armistice From what you have said this

morning, it is clear that you don't want an armistice All

you want is a total cease fire so as to permit you to increase

your military capability to the extent you desire and at will

Our idea of an armistice is a simple one that neither side

gam a military advantage over the other during the period

of the armistice This is the only basis upon which we can

agree It should be the only basis upon which you should

agree if you were sincere in desiring an armistice As military

men, you should recognize that the United Nations Com-

mand cannot enter into an armistice with you which does

not involve an understanding by both sides to refrain from

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

attempting to gain a military advantage during the suspen-

sion of fighting

GENERAL NAM iL The question of the military faculties is an

internal question, and is not a question to be discussed at

the armistice conference As to the observation question,

too, you want to have a freedom of movement in observing

in the rear of our side, but that is also an interference in the

internal affairs of our side Outside of the demilitarized

zone agreed upon by both sides, you have no nght to ob-

serve freely in the rear of our side You said that we, too,

could make observation in your rear, but we do not make

any such demand and we are not accustomed to doing so.

We hope you will clearly understand such stand of ours

It was tie full expectation of the United Nations Command

that if the Communists were allowed to build airfields in North

Korea, they would then secretly introduce jet aircraft into

Korea, violating the armistice terms thereby, and thus as-

semble a formidable jet an* force m North Korea Today this

expectation is a fact A powerful MIG force now operates

from a multitude of air bases in North Korea Before the

truce was signed, this deadly Communist capability did not

exist

In dealing with the airfield question, the Communists

could not settle for mere reduction of the magnitude of an

agreement they intended to violate They could entertain no

agreement at all on this subject Their apparent reasoning

was flawless It is an easy thing for them secretly to introduce

into North Korea more tanks or guns than the armistice agree-

ment allows, and even easier to keep the presence of such un-

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

authorized tanks or guns hidden from the eyes of neutral

observers Airfields, however, are impossible to hide Accord-

ingly, the Communists flatly refused agreement to refrain

from building airfields Weak as was their argument regarding

"interference in internal affairs/' the Communists clung to

it until higher authorities in Washington finally directed the

United Nations Command delegation to concede the issue to

the Communists This concession utterly departed from the

basic principle on which the United Nations Command dele-

gation had been trying to arrange the armistice the principle

of freezing the military capabilities of both sides so that

neither could add substantially to its strength during the

period of truce

In order to explain the attitude of the United Nations

Command delegation on the airfield question, I am compelled

to deal briefly with the basic philosophy of an armistice as

we understood it First of all, an armistice is not enduring

peace, it is a cessation of hostilities, quite possibly only a tem-

porary cease fire Technically, a state of war continues to exist

during an armistice During the period of cease fire, the gov-

ernments involved attempt to arrange a peace permanently

terminating hostilities It must be kept in mind, however, that

the governments involved may not be able to agree on peace

terms, as indeed they have not in respect to Korea It is con-

ceivable hostilities may then be resumed and continue for an

indeterminate period Accordingly, our concept of an armis-

tice was that of a cease fire arranged under conditions preclud-

ing substantial change in the relative military strengths of the

opposing sides Thus, if hostilities were resumed after a period

of truce, no significant advantage would have been achieved

PREMEDITATED CRIMES

by either side This concept supported the entire complex of

agreements by which we sought to safeguard the armistice It

was also the basis of the United Nations Command insistence

upon a line of demarcation providing defensible battle posi-

tions for the ground forces and was the principle reason we

opposed the 38th Parallel solution offered by the Commu-

nists

When Washington decided, in a final effort to achieve an

armistice, to allow the Communists to build airfields in North

Korea during the truce period, the basic premise upon which

the armistice had been designed went up in a wisp of smoke

With that acbon, there was no longer any chance to prevent

the military capabilities of Communist forces in Korea from

increasing in a major degree during the truce And so they

have, fulfilling the criminal premeditation of the Communist

negotiators at Kaesong and Fanmunjom

CHAPTER Vll

THE VETO

When their attempts to avoid agreements tending to restrict

them are not entirely successful, and their efforts to reduce

the magnitude of agreements they intend to dishonor have

teen pressed as far as possible, the Communists then seek to

retain a veto on all machinery of enforcement of agreements

In the discussions on Agenda Item 3, relating to the super-

vision of the Korean armistice, the Communist interest in re-

taining the veto power became apparent Over the steady

objections of our adversaries, we of the United Nations Com-

mand delegation had insisted upon the creation of supervisory

organs to check the compliance of both sides with terms of the

armistice Two organizations were visualized one, a Military

Armistice Commission, was to supervise, among other things,

proceedings in the narrow neutral strip between the two op-

posed armies after the cease fire went into effect The other, a

Supervisory Commission, was to be charged with the inspec-

tion of activities of each side in the rear areas This latter

commission would conduct its inspections by means of a num-

THE VETO

ber of observer teams permanently located at ports of entry,

and by another group of mobile observer teams which could

be sent anywhere to investigate reported armistice viola-

tions In order to facilitate the functions of these mobile neu-

tral observers, we had proposed that the observers be afforded

the right to reconnoiter by air any area of Korea The Com-

munists refused to agree They insisted on a two-edged veto

First, they proposed that the activities of the supervisory

bodies be contingent upon unanimous agreement of the mem-

bers A dissent by one of the Communist members would

constitute a veto Second, they refused to allow aerial recon-

naissance Thus, even if all Communist members of the super-

visory organ voted in favor of investigation, the observer teams

on the ground could be effectively frustrated through lack of

aenal reconnaissance

Discussions between the full delegations in plenary sessions

had resulted in some agreement on general principles dealing

with armistice supervision on the other hand, discussions of

the armistice safeguards mentioned in the foregoing para-

graph, as well as other related matters, had proved unprofit-

able Accordingly, I had proposed to the Communists that

subdelegations be formed composed of only one or two dele-

gates, and that these less formal groups be charged by the

main delegations to resolve matters at issue The following

excerpts are from a meeting of such a subdelegation on 15

December, 1951 For the United Nations Command, Major

General H M Turner, USAF, and Major General H I

Hodes, USA, were the delegates For the Communists there

were that formidable Chinese Hsieh Fang and the omni-

present North Korean liaison officer Colonel Chang

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

GENERAL TURNER Do you have the answers to our questions

of yesterday 7

GENERAL HSIEH You have asked "Does your proposal con-

template that the military armistice commission will have

directing and control authority over the neutral observation

teams?" The inspection teams of neutral nations are under

the supervisory commission of neutral nations That is to

say, above the inspecbon teams of neutral nations there is

the supervisory commission of neutral nations The super-

visory commission of neutral nations entrusted by the Mili-

tary Armistice Commission will dispatch inspection teams

of neutral nations to carry out the functions of supervision

and inspections as stipulated by the armistice agreement

The Military Armistice Commission and the supervisory

commission of neutral nations are on an equal footing, and

the relationship between them is one between the entruster

and the entrustee It is not a relation between a superior

and a subordinate

You have also asked 'What do you mean by according

full convenience to the neutral teams 7 " My answer is that

both sides, both your side and our side, should accord the

inspection teams of neutral nations full convenience in

performing their duties in performing their functions By

full convenience, we include the convenience in traveling

over the lines of communication as agreed upon by both

sides

In another question you ask '*You say the Military

Armistice Commission must approve rotation requests

Does this mean all members of the Military Armistice Com-

mission must agree to this?" Our answer is In order to

THE VETO

prove that either side really has the need for rotating its

military personnel, and that it is not introducing into Korea

reinforcing forces, ground, naval, or air, there must be

reasons stated and tabular data given for such requests

Such requests should be agreed upon by both sides, that is,

approved by the representatives of both sides on the Mili-

tary Armistice Commission before the rotation can be ear-

ned out

With regard to your question "How did you arrive at

your figure of 5,000 a month in relation to rotation?" Our

answer is that the number of personnel to be rotated should

not exceed 5,000 monthly That is, 5,000 is the maximum

figure and it refers to the rotation both ways 5,000 to come

in monthly and 5,000 to go out monthly and our side con-

siders that this figure is sufficient for meeting the require-

ment of the rotation of your military personnel

With regard to your question "Does your proposal con-

template the use of aenal observation by the neutral ob-

server teams?" Our answer is that the duties and the rights

of the supervisory organ of neutral nations are limited to

supervising the adherence to the inspection of any violations

of the armistice agreement which have occurred outside the

demilitarized zone Therefore, we think it is not necessary

for this supervisory organ of neutral nations to carry out

aenal observation and, also, this aenal observation is im-

permissible

GENERAL TURNER In those instances where you have given us

a specific answer to our specific questions, you have merely

accentuated the differences existing between our two

sides In those cases wherein you have evaded giving a

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

specific answer, I shall make no further comment at this

time

You call a major concession your proposal that rotation

he earned on only with the approval of the Military Armis-

tice Commission Your members of the Military Armistice

Commission can, of course, refuse to agree Therefore, you

retain the right to preclude, unilaterally, any rotation at

all Now is this a difference from your former view 7

For the past week we have refuted your arguments time

and again once more I shall try to clarify our stand on

matters of disagreement

On the question of no rotation and replacement of per-

sonnel, we have heard your explanation, "There should be

only outgoing and no incoming of military forces," so many

times that you need not repeat it again You know the figure

of 5,000 is wholly inadequate We know as well as you

know that this is your idea of forcing a withdrawal of troops

by the attrition process You are well aware of our firm

stand against the withdrawal of troops from Korea since

the beginning of the armistice talks We do not intend to

change our stand All your talk about "contradictions" and

"increasing the military capabilities" has no validity, and

you know it It is your side that has been inconsistent and

contradictory about these matters You blandly state that

you intend to increase your military capabilities during the

armistice by rehabilitation and construction of airfields,

since this is an internal affair of yours Then in the same

breath you insist the United Nations Command must re-

duce its military capabilities by not introducing replace-

ments of personnel for rotation purposes, except for the

THE VETO

token number of 5,000 monthly, and even that you could

prohibit by use of the veto We'll not be responsive to this

illogical argument any longer

Next, the question of internal affairs You have persist-

ently stated that our principle which prohibits the rehabili-

tation, expansion, and improvement of existing airfields

and aviation facilities, and construction of new airfields and

new aviation facilities, interferes m the internal affairs of

your side You have also stated many times that effective

inspection such as aerial reconnaissance is your internal

problem However you may clothe in words your desires to

increase your aviation capabilities, the bare fact is that you

seek to increase your military capability during an armistice

You wish to gain a military capability you do not now have

That is inadmissible It is only with the recognition of this

important fact that we can achieve an effective armistice

We have assured you any number of times that the

United Nations Command has no desire whatsoever to in-

terfere with your internal affairs However, we have no in-

tention of letting you build up your airfields and aviation

so as to increase your air-force capabilities during the armis-

tice, and we expect to see that aerial reconnaissance is em-

ployed as one of the means of determining compliance with

this

It is not because we are interfering with your internal

affairs that you keep bringing this subject up Rather, it is

very clear that you have ulterior motives We would like to

know just what your motives are for wanting to rehabilitate,

expand, and improve your airfields and aviation facilities

and just what is your reason for not wanbng effective in-

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

specfaon by aenal photography and aenal reconnaissance

As you well know, this inspection will be earned out by the

neutral nations inspecting teams, and this will not interfere

with your internal affairs, unless you are planning to violate

the agreements of the armistice Therefore, the restriction

of construction of new airfields, air facilities, rehabilitation,

expansion and improvement of existing airfields and air

facilities, and a thorough observation throughout Korea as

agreed upon, is the only answer to a successful execution of

the armistice Now, the question of inspection in the rear

Many times in the past few days you have made the state-

ment that the inspection of the rear is our idea We accept

that and will continue to praise its merits This we will do

because this principle is the main safeguard against viola-

tion and evasion of the terms of the armistice But inspec-

tions of the rear by neutral observers instead of by the

belligerents was your own thought, as you well know

Your proposals accept only partial observation in the rear

areas of both sides By so doing you are obviously limiting

the effectiveness of the armistice It is indeed nearsighted-

ness to believe that adherence to the terms of the armistice

can be checked only at ports of entry If observation is to be

effective, it must also be conducted at selected communica-

tion centers and over all of Korea through aenal reconnais-

sance These measures are essential to adequate observation

It is difficult for us to conceive how your side can insist

upon a fair, reasonable, and effective armistice and then

contradict your implication of this sincenty by refusing to

accept measures which will make it effective

Now, I hope you fully understand our firm position in

THE VETO

these matters and will refrain from using your old argu-

ments over and over again I have fully refuted them If we

should hear them again, you can expect to hear these same

final refutations again It will gam you nothing and will

only delay progress

That is all

GENERAL HSiEH After listening to General Turner's long state-

ment, it has brought to my mind many questions But be-

fore I would ask for clarification on these questions and

before I make comments on your statement, I would like

first of all to clarify your attitude toward these negotiations,

because your attitude toward the negotiations is directly

connected with the progress of the negotiations For

example, your statement just now is a repetitious and un-

reasonable statement, just as the statements you have made

before And yet I took the attitude of carefully listening

and seriously analyzing your statement However, your side

takes the attitude entirely to the contrary Of course, you

are calling anything which is not to your taste "illogical "

At the end of your statement, you stated you are not willing

to listen to us I must point out that such statements are an

indication of your attitude of refusing to negotiate, and I

must point out also that such an indication is given after

our side has made our proposal

It is not from today that you start this attitude of refus-

ing to negotiate Since 12 December you took this attitude

and for four days successively you have been taking this

attitude We want to call your attention to this and

suggest that you review the proceedings of the past four

<days You can see that so long as your side continues to use

VOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

such an attitude of refusing to negotiate, then there will be

no progress in these negotiations As soon as you give up

such an attitude to our position, we will make some progress

It is because you have assumed this attitude of refusing to

negotiate for four days successively, and because in your

statement this morning you employed such words as I have

pointed out and showed such an attitude, that our side

cannot but doubt what is your real attitude toward the

armistice negotiations Before I continue the discussions,

I would like to clear up this point I want to clear up what

you mean by using such words I wish to have your answer

to this question first

GENERAL TURNER From the noise you have made over the

words that I have used, I believe that you pretty clearly

understand what I mean We are willing to negotiate We

have patiently listened to your illogical arguments We do

not care to listen to them again Let us negotiate What

have you to offer that can be considered a forward step in

the negotiations? So far you have only been stalling and

wasting time Let us make some progress today

GENERAL HSBEH I could have used the same land of words I

could have said that your statement made just now is a

statement which I have listened to patiently, and is an

illogical statement for stalling and delaying the negotiations

and wasting time It is particularly because you still un-

reasonably and illogically insisted upon your views that you

made me doubt what is your attitude toward the negotia-

tions Of course, you said that before me, but I can assure

you that our side will not take the same attitude of refusing

to negotiate as you do and we will not think that such an

THE VETO

attitude is reasonable Of course, you have the right to

choose such an attitude of refusing to negotiate, "but if that

is what you really mean, you should make a resolution and

seriously state that you will not continue the discussions if

we do not accept your positions

I wish to remind you of just one thing, rotation of per-

sonnel is surely an increase of military forces You have

indicated that in order to continue to increase your military

force and to raise the morale of your troops, you must

rotate, you must have more rotation, you must shorten

your period of rotation hy two months or three months It

is clear from this that rotation is urgently needed by your

side Our proposal made the concession on the point of ro-

tation in taking account of the interests of your troops and

the peoples of your countries That is a major concession,

and yet you do not admit that there is anything new in our

proposal Such is your logic If you do not admit such a

concession as a step forward, as something new, then there

is no necessity for us to carry on more discussions If that is

really what you mean, and you mean to msist upon such

attitude, then whatever our side will suggest could be re-

fused consideration by your side I wish you to clarify this

point seriously

GENERAL TURNER As to irrelevant remarks about my attitude,

I dismiss and ignore them as propaganda deserving no com-

ment You have made a number of statements attempting

to show that principles advocated by the United Nations

Command are unfair, unreasonable, and unwarranted You

condemn our insistence on prohibiting the rehabilitation

and reconstruction of airfields as being interference in your

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

internal affairs You object to our intention to rotate and

replenish our forces in Korea You object to aerial observa-

tion as being more interference in your internal affairs on

the other hand, we defend these principles as insuring

against an increase of military capabilities during the armis-

tice and thereby a threat to the stability of the armistice

Now let's look at the situation as it is today You are not

threatening our rear in any way You are not preventing us

from rehabilitating airfields or building new ones You are

not conducting aenal surveillance of our communication

centers You are not preventing unlimited rotation and

replenishment of our forces You do not interfere in the

internal affairs of our side in any way Under the conditions

of combat, as they exist today, you do none of these things

and we have no fear that you might You do none of these

things because you cannot you lack the military capability

to do them

But how do you find the situation today on your side?

We do keep your airfields unusable We do conduct aerial

surveillance throughout your rear We do limit the extent

to which you can replenish your forces We do interfere in

your so-called internal affairs by disrupting your internal

communications systems and by destroying communication

centers in your rear We do these things today because we

have the military capability to do them Until the armistice

is signed we will keep on doing them

Now, to preserve the existing situation as to military

capabilities, to replace the effect of the United Nations

Command military operations, we propose only that during

the armistice you shall not gain a military capability which

THE VETO

you do not now possess We go even further We agree to

apply the same restrictions to ourselves, even though you

lack the military capability today to implement these re-

strictions by force of arms But you complain this is unfair

You who are unable to impose any of these military restric-

tions upon our side by your own strength' You complain

that it is unfair for us to insist on continuing restrictions

through armistice terms which we are fully able to impose,

and are imposing on you by military means during hostil-

ities In short, you seek to gain, through negotiations, what

you could not win through fighting You seek to avoid,

through negotiations, what you could not avoid through

fighting

In accepting the restrictions advocated by the United

Nations Command you merely accept a continuation of

limits on your military capabilities which exist today as a

result of United Nations Command military operations

Your capabilities should continue to be limited by the terms

of the armistice You lose nothing You gam much, for these

same limits are applied to the United Nations Command,

even though you cannot today effect them by military

means

It is clear, therefore, that our proposed principles are

more than fair to you they are wholly to your advantage as

compared to the situation existing today once agam I

repeat we are willing to give serious consideration to any

proposal you may make which provides for effective super-

vision of, and adherence to, the armistice terms, and for

prohibition of increasing the military capabilities We are

talking about military realities upon which this armistice

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

must be based Now let us get down to negotiating What

have you to offer?

GENERAL HsiEH I am greatly disappointed at your statement

this afternoon I thought you would change your attitude

this afternoon from the attitude you took this morning

But my impression from your statement is that you have

even accentuated your attitude of refusing to negotiate

Your statement gave me the impression that you once again

reveal your attitude of assuming to be a victor in these armis-

tice negotiations You reveal to me once again that you aim

at maintaining the state of war m the Korean battlefields

and you fear the arrival of genuine peace You reveal to me

once again that you refuse to take the attitude of nego-

tiating

Your statement merely repeated your hackneyed, unrea-

sonable and absurd statements at the beginning of July

when you came to this conference table It is a pity that you

attempt to harp on your hackneyed tunes of July But after

the lapse of five months your voice is not as loud as it was

You have retreated very much Since you say that we have

no military capabilities, then why do you fear that we might

have it? Since you take the attitude of a victor, why should

you come to negotiate? If you intend to use such an attitude

as a threat on your part in these negotiations, I tell you you

must take back that attitude If you intend to use your

statement as propaganda, I suggest that you publish the

whole statement to the world and let the people judge

For four days successively you refused to negotiate, and

this afternoon you went to the length of openly bragging

of your military capabilities Whom do you attempt to awe?

THE VETO

If you do not attempt to change your attitude, there will "be

no result from these negotiations and the responsibility for

delaying of the armistice is entirely on your shoulders So

long as you do not change your attitude we have nothing to

offer or to say today

I hope you will change your attitude Are you insisting

on this attitude of refusing to negotiate? Are you attempt-

ing to use coercion to make me accept the whole of your

proposal?

GENERAL TURNER. I shall reread two statements that I just

made We are talking as realists We want a genuine armis-

tice leading to a genuine peace once again, I say we are

willing to give serious consideration to any proposal you

may make which provides for effective supervision of, and

adherence to, the armistice terms, and for prohibition of

increase in military capabilities If you are not willing to

carry on the negotiations today, then will you please set a

tune when you are willing to carry on these negotiations

GENERAL HSiEH You have missed the point Your last question

is the question I have asked you It is not for you to ask me

GENERAL TURNER I have answered your question Do you have

anything new to present?

GENERAL HSIEH You have not yet answered my question Are

you still refusing to negotiate or are you using coercion, try-

ing to force us to accept the whole of your unreasonable

proposals? If you take back and change your attitude, I have

never refused to carry on discussions, but if you attempt

coercion, I advise you to take back this attitude quick and

soon

GENERAL TURNER I shall take back not one word of what I

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

said f If you are ready to negotiate, proceed' We are ready

on our side

Thus the Communists fought to retain a veto on the essen-

tial machinery of armistice supervision, a veto on initiation of

supervisory action and on effective means of executing investi-

gations Later on, Washington required the United Nations

Command delegation to concede the question of aerial re-

connaissance to the Communists As a result, though we

did eventually win grudging Communist agreement to

procedures not contingent upon unanimity in the super-

visory organizations, our victory was hollow We lost the

most effective means of investigating violations of armistice

terms, violations that the Communists began to per-

petrate as soon as the truce was signed Without aenal

reconnaissance, armistice supervision becomes blind Being

blind, the supervisory organs have proved to be as ineffective

as a sightless floor detective in a department store With the

result foreseen, we of the delegation protested to higher

authorities against the decision to abandon insistence upon

aenal reconnaissance When we reluctantly did concede that

equitable and necessary element of armistice supervision,

the subject of rear-area inspections became academic The

Communists had their veto, and well have they used it to their

advantage

CHAPTER VIII

RED HERRINGS

A basic negotiating technique of Communists is to introduce

spurious issues and use them as bargaining points To illus-

trate, imagine that two men are discussing the sale of an auto-

mobile Suppose that the seller demands $1,000 for his car the

buyer offers $700 If the seller followed the Communist

method, something hke the following would occur The Com-

munist seller would propose that the buyer agree in writing

to purchase all his future automobiles from the same Commu-

nist salesman The buyer rejects this, pointing out how un-

reasonable such an undertaking on his part would be The

Communist seller insists, however, that the buyer should

accept the proposal, and continues to so argue over an ex-

tended period of time Naturally, under such circumstances,

you or I would terminate the discussion peremptorily and

find another source of the automobile we need This is not

possible in international negotiations, however, since matters

of life and death are at stake Accordingly, our analogy must

continue After pressing his proposal to commit the auto-

mobile buyer forever to buy from only one source, himself,

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

the Communist seller at last states that he will withdraw his

proposal only if the buyer will agree to pay $1,000 for the car

in question When the buyer protests, the Communist seller

contends that he has made a great concession in withdrawing

his proposal, therefore, the buyer should be willing to make

a concession on the price of the car If this sounds fantastic,

read further and observe it in practice

After long opposition to any kind of armistice supervision

agency, the Communists at last proposed the principle that a

Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission should be estab-

lished This commission, to be composed of representatives of

nations neutral in the Korean War, was to have the task of

supervising execution of armistice terms by both belligerent

sides To this much, both delegations were agreed The only

question remaining was to agree on the specific nations to

compose the commission Each side was to nominate three

neutral nations acceptable to the other side The United Na-

tions Command nominated Sweden, Switzerland, and Nor-

way

Allied to the question of composition of the Neutral

Nations Supervisory Commission was that of airfield re-

habilitation The Communists had already made it evident

that they would not agree to be limited in building or repair-

ing their military airfields during the truce period They

needed a negotiating device with which to bargain for United

Nations Command agreement which would allow them to

construct military airfields in North Korea after the armistice

was put into effect To this end the Communists dredged up

the most absurd red herring it has ever been my misfortune

to encounter they proposed that the Soviet Union, along with

RED HERRINGS

Poland and Czechoslovakia, be named as members of the

Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission In effect, they

asked the United Nations Command to agree that the Soviet

Union had been and was neutral in respect to the Korean

War

The guns, the aircraft, the tanks, the marme mines, the

ammunition, the fuel, the trucks, and the military advice that

had been used by Communist forces in the Korean War came

from the Soviet Union When my senior liaison officer first

established contact with the Communists at Kaesong, he was

held at the point of Russian machine guns, conveyed to the

meeting place in a Russian jeep, even offered a bottle of vodka

It was the Soviet Union that attempted to prevent United

Nations assistance to South Korea It was the Soviet Govern-

ment that sought to block United Nations resolutions con-

demning North Korea and Red China as aggressors and call-

ing on all United Nations members to assist the victims of

their aggression This was the government proposed by the

Communists as a neutral m the Korean War

There is not a doubt in my mind that the Communists

realized fully how unacceptable the Soviet Union was to the

United Nations Command They knew that we would oppose

then* nomination of the Soviet Union as a neutral nation, and

they intended to withdraw that nomination at a later date in

return for favorable resolution of the airfield issue Exactly

that ensued The Communists must have been astounded,

however, at one aspect of the developments with regard to

their red hemng They accrued a bonus they could not have

expected The United States Government declined to base its

opposition to Soviet membership in the Neutral Nations

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Supervisory Commission on the frank and solid argument that

the Soviet Union was not a neutral in the Korean conflict

Instead, the United Nations Command delegation was di-

rected to object to Soviet membership on the Neutral Nations

Supervisory Commission on the grounds that the Soviet Union

had a common border with North Korea While this was an

unassailable fact of geography, it had little relevance to the

issue at hand

The fact that the United Nations Command delegation

could not denounce the Soviet Union for what it was the

mainspring and logistic base of aggression in Korea soon

became apparent to the Communists Gleefully they exploited

the situation Again and again the Communist negotiators

taunted us

<r Why do you give no logical reason for opposing the

great, peace-loving USSR as a member of the Neutral

Nations? You give no reason because you have none You

are unable to deny that the USSR is a true neutral in the

Korean conflict "

And so it went day after day for many weeks Meanwhile,

Washington offered us further ammunition of the "common-

border" variety We were authorized to point out that the

Soviet Union participated in the liberation of Korea from

Japanese forces at the end of World War II, and, therefore,

should be excluded from the Neutral Nations Supervisory

Commission The Communists ridiculed this lame argument

as enthusiastically as they had lambasted the "common bor-

der" offering I could not understand the reasoning of those

m Washington who felt that we should refrain from declaring

the truth, of objecting to the Soviet Union because that gov-

RED HERRINGS

eminent was a party to the aggression in Korea After some

years of reflecting, I have been unable to perceive any sound

reason for such timidity, nor observe any worth-while fruits

of that attitude There is stall a great deal to be said for f orth-

nghtness, even in international negotiations

Discussion of the issues by senior officers of the two dele-

gations soon reached a point of complete impasse. In an effort

to make progress, the United Nations Command delegation

proposed, and the Communists agreed, to direct the staff offi-

cers of each side to carry on the discussions Accordingly,

Colonels Darrow and Kinney for the United Nations Com-

mand and Colonels Chang and Pu for the Communists

tackled the thorny question of the Soviet Union as a neutral

nation The following excerpts from February, 1952, meetings

of these staff officers indicate the manner in which the Com-

munists exploited our inability to state flatly that the Soviet

Union was no neutral in the Korean War

COLONEL CHANG I would like to make a statement I submit

hereby the names of three neutral nations which the Korean

People's Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers are

prepared to invite, namely, the Soviet Union, Poland, and

Czechoslovakia At the same time, I formally propose in

regard to the solution of this problem that both sides agree

mutually and simultaneously to the submitted neutral na-

tions of both sides

COLONEL DARROW I am authorized to state that the neutral

nations of Poland and Czechoslovakia are acceptable to the

United Nations Command The Soviet Union is not accept-

able

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

COLONEL CHANG I am sure that your side has understood the

thought of our side in making the foregoing proposal in

resolving this question I am also sure that if one side re-

fused something without supporting it with appropriate

reasons, the other party would fail to understand such re-

fusal

COLONEL DARROW I should think it would he obvious to your

side why the Soviet Union is not acceptable as a neutral

nation and we shall give you the reasons therefor at a later

time

COLONEL CHANG Our side f ails to discover any reason by which

your side opposes those neutral nations which our side has

submitted I must point out first of all that such an attitude

on your side is not solving the question but is stalling this

question

COLONEL DARROW There are a great many neutral nations

which your side could invite which would be acceptable to

our side However, the Soviet Union is not one of them I

shall be prepared to give you full reasons and amplify my

remarks at the next meeting

COLONEL CHANG I again point out the fact that the suggested

three neutral nations are in full compliance with the defini-

tion of the neutral nations that both sides understand We

fail to find any reason that your side should oppose our

suggestion Such an opposition on your part will only in-

evitably lead to show that your side is attempting not to re-

solve this question

COLONEL KTNNEY The principle already agreed to m plenary

sessions is as follows "Both sides agree to invite neutral

nations acceptable to both sides which have not partici-

RED HERRINGS

pated in the Korean War" The agreement specifically

states that these neutral nations must be acceptable to both

sides

COLONEL CHANG By interpreting the principle reached upon

by both sides, our side cannot find any reason that the other

side should oppose these suggested neutral nations

COLONEL DABRQW As I stated before, we cannot accept your

proposal with the neutral nations that you have submitted

I haven't anything further on this matter today

COLONEL CHANG once again I request that your side should

give very serious consideration to our proposal m order that

we may resolve this question

I would like to inquire as to how your side could possibly

resolve this question if your side only engages in refusals

instead of giving any concrete reason at all for rejecting the

proposal that the other side has made with regard to the

matter of the nominations of neutral nations Our side sub-

mitted the proposal that both sides shall agree mutually and

simultaneously to the proposals submitted by both sides re-

garding the nominations of neutral nations I, therefore,

am against your attitude in refusing the proposal that our

side has submitted with regard to the question of the nomi-

nations of neutral nations, without giving any reasonable

substantiation for your refusal Accordingly, I request that

your side should retract such a stand, which is only un-

reasonably blocking the progress of the negotiations I make

this request with a view to facilitate the resolution of this

question as soon as possible

COLONEL KTNNEY Colonel Chang, as your side has said many

tunes, the representatives of the neutral nations in the Super-

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

visory Commission have a status in the area under the con-

trol of both sides as guests You have made that point on a

number of occasions These persons are to enter the area

that we control as guests We agree to your view on that

point

Now, what you are attempting to do is to force on our

side an unwanted guest Not only are you attempting to

force on our side an unwanted guest, but you inquire as to

the reasons why this particular person is an unwanted

guest

I am sure that you perceive that this action on your part

is quite inconsistent with the proprieties The Soviet Union

does not fit the criteria established by agreement between

the delegates, and your failure to nominate a nation which

does fit those criteria, including the criterion that the na-

tions shall be acceptable to our side, is in direct violation of

the agreement reached between the delegates and in viola-

tion of the instructions given to the staff meetings

COLONEL DARROW I might further point out, Colonel Chang,

that it was your side which suggested that neutral nations

be used It was also your side that suggested and stated that

the neutral nations which would be invited would be agreed

to and acceptable to both sides With this understanding,

we did agree to your suggestion of inviting neutral nations

which would be acceptable to both sides You are now ask-

ing us to go back on the understanding that was originally

proposed by your side and accept a nation that is not accept-

able to our side

COLONEL CHANG If the statement Colonel Kinney has just

made is an official one, I cannot but come to the conclusion

RED HERRINGS

that your side is not interested in the resolution of the

points at issue now, but rather, is attempting to delay the

negotiations by availing yourselves of this question as a

stumbling block on your part

If it was not a mistake on the part of the interpreter it

must surely have been a mistake on the part of Colonel

Kinney

Our proposal of nominating neutral nations, none of

which may be excluded, is worked out in accordance with

the stipulations made in the agreement of the principles

and with the understanding thereof by both sides None of

the neutral nations that our side has nominated is an excep-

tion to the rule in complying with the principle and under-

standing

# # #

COLONEL DARROW Your side has said many times that we have

no reason and cannot give any reason for objecting to the

nomination of the Soviet Union as one of the neutral

nations

We have carefully considered these statements made by

you The United Nations Command does have reasons for

rejecting the Soviet Union as one of the nations to par-

ticipate in the Supervisory Commission The reasons are

clear, cogent and irrefutable

I should like to point out, however, that neither side is

obhgated to state reasons for the acceptance or rejection of

any particular nation Both sides agreed to invite neutral

nations acceptable to both sides The acceptability or non-

acceptability of any given nation, therefore, is a unilateral

matter beyond the purview of these discussions

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

In the furtherance of understanding, however, and so that

our position may be unmistakably clear to you, we will give

our reasons for staring unequivocally that the Soviet Union

is not acceptable to our side

The United Nations Command holds that it is in the

interest of all concerned that members of the Supervisory

Commission should be drawn from those nations not in

close proximity to Korea and without a record of past par-

ticipation in the Korean question

This is not the introduction of a new principle It is our

rightful and unilateral application of logic to the problem

of selecting nations acceptable to both sides I repeat, the

Soviet Union is not acceptable to our side

COLONEL PU The so-called reasons given by your side are

indeed surprising What is the logic upon which your side

attempts to exclude nations who are in close proximity to

Korea as neutral nations?

If the neutral nations nominated by our side have any

record of participation in the Korean question, it is the

record that they strongly oppose any intervention in the

Korean war It is the record that they firmly support a

peaceful settlement of the Korean question

Can your side deny that any of the neutral nations

nominated by our side is consistent with the definition

agreed upon by both sides? Can your side deny that the

Soviet Union is a nation which is most strongly against any

intervention in the Korean war and which is most strongly

in favor of a peaceful settlement of the Korean ques-

tion?

Your side cannot give, neither does it have, any reasons

RED HERRINGS

for objecting to any of the neutral nations nominated by

our side

We suggest that your side seriously reconsider the reason-

able method of solution proposed by our side

COLONEL DAKROW Our statement is clear and stands on its

own merits We do not propose to enter into endless dis-

cussion of matters which are self-evident We strongly

recommend that you give our statement serious considera-

tion

The Communists also applied their red-hemng technique

to an issue concerning the activities of neutral observer teams.

These neutral observer teams were to be stationed at ports of

entry, there to check the flow of military personnel and ma-

t&iel into and out of Korea The United Nations Command

delegation wished these observers to have the maximum prac-

ticable latitude in executing their tasks The Communists, on

the other hand, sought to limit strictly the areas in which the

observers could operate It was the Communist concept that

the neutral observers would remain closely confined to certain

specified buildings and points within the city named as a port

of entry They conceived that the neutral observers would be

notified by the local authorities when a shipment was to enter

Korea, and could tfien proceed to the railway station, dock, or

airfield being used The neutral observers could then, and only

then, check the entry or exit involved

It is only too apparent how ineffective the neutral ob-

servers would be under the Communist concept of their ac-

tivities All inspections depended upon the honesty of the

local Communist military authorities in notifying the neutral

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

teams of the impending exchange of personnel or mate"nel

We in the United Nations Command delegation were more

than dubious about Communist honesty We preferred to

allow the neutral observer teams complete freedom to roam

as they would within and around each port of entry, checking

activities at random and without notice

Seeing that a difficulty with the United Nations Command

delegation was arising in connection with the relative freedom

of neutral observers, the Communists produced another red

hemng They proposed that the neutral observers be author-

ized to inspect every detail of military equipment as they

checked it in or out Since the "neutral" teams were to have

Communist members, such a procedure would have exposed

all United States technological secrets to our enemies The

bombsights and electronic gunsights of our aircraft, the direct-

ing mechanisms of our antiaircraft guns, the inner workings

of our radar sets all of these would have been divulged to

Communists' eyes on the other hand, Communist aircraft

and radar were in Manchuna, exempt from investigation by

neutral observers

It was utterly fantastic to expect that any nation would ex-

pose its most critical military secrets to the eyes of its enemies

The Communists knew this They hammered away, therefore,

insisting upon unrestricted nghts of examination of our equip-

ment by their Communist members of the observer teams

After a period of such insistence, they withdrew this phony

proposal, contingent upon the United Nations Command ac-

cepting limits on the general activities of the neutral nations

Thus, the effectiveness of the neutral observer teams was

foredoomed to nnpotency in North Korea Events since the

100

RED HERRINGS

armistice was signed have overwhelmingly demonstrated that

ineffectiveness The Communist red hemng has spawned in-

security for United Nations Command forces in Korea and

degradation for the prestige of the United States in Asia Not

bad fishmongers, these Communists

101

CHAPTER IX

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

Communists have two techniques with which to deal with

truth one they deny it Two they distort it The flat denial

of truth is the less frequent tactic of Communists, because

they have learned that truth is buoyant submerged, it will

pop to the surface at embarrassing moments Therefore, the

Communists much prefer to employ the tactic of distorting

truth

The distortion of truth as practiced by the Communists is

a science The basic procedure is to select out of the whole

truth certain parts, which, if put together in a particular way,

produce a conclusion exactly contradictory of the whole truth

An example might be the story of the witness of a street

fight A man was accused of mayhem, it being alleged that

during a street fight he had bitten off the ear of his opponent

There was only one witness to this fracas The witness was

put on the stand by the lawyer for the accused The lawyer

asked

"Did you see my client bite off the ear of this man during

the fight?"

102

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

The witness replied, "I did not "

The lawyer for the accused, being encouraged, then pursued

the point further

"I want this to be very clear You witnessed the entire

fight, but you did not see my client bite off his opponent's

ear?"

The witness replied, "No, but I saw him spit it out "

Now the Communist would never have allowed that kst

statement to appear He would have halted the record at the

witness' first reply, leaving an utterly false conclusion to the

hearer

The simple fact is that with all respect to the military power

of the free world, Truth is Communism's most dangerous

enemy Communism knows this, and therefore has become

expert at fencing with Truth Communists cannot afford to

allow the full truth to appear unchallenged at any time If

necessary, they deny it outright, especially when they are confi-

dent the full truth is not known to their adversaries or, if

known, cannot be proved beyond doubt Such was their pro-

cedure in connection with prisoners of war said by the Com-

munists to have been "released at the front "

By February, 1952, the unresolved issues between the two

delegations had narrowed to three (i) The Soviet Union as

a "neutral", (2) the question of building airfields during the

truce, (3) the exchange of prisoners of war The pnsoner-of-

war question became the main stumbling block of the armis-

tice effort, delaying a truce for over a year In December, 1951,

however, we had not entered this raging issue fully Tentative

discussions were beginning Almost at once the Communists

began to twist truth

103

COMMUMSTS NEGOTIATE

During the course of the Korean War, nearly 100,000 sol-

diers of the United Nations Command had been listed as

missing m action The vast majority of these were troops of

the Republic of Korea Our own estimates of total numbers

captured had been roughly validated by propaganda boasts

uttered over their radios by the Communists on several occa-

sions the Communist propaganda radio had claimed that

around 65,000 United Nations Command troops had been

captured Knowing the barbaric nature of the Communist

prison camps, the United Nations Command did not expect

to receive back the full 100,000 who were missing in action

Some would have died of natural causes, some would have

been murdered But we were not prepared for the Commu-

nist distortion we encountered When the two delegations

exchanged lists of prisoners, the Communists reported they

had on hand only 11,599 prisoners of war After recovering

from our amazement, we inquired where the remainder were

some 55,000 a figure based on the Communists' own radio

claims How the Communists responded with a weird distortion

of truth is exemplified in the following extracts from meetings

of the subdelegations dealing with the prisoner-of-war issue

ADMIRAL LIBBY The Republic of Korea Army has a total of

88,000 persons officially reported as missing in action You

say you have only 7,142 of these men, which is less than 9%

The United States alone has 11,500 men missing m action

You say you have only 3,198 That is only 28%

These percentage relationships between the number of

prisoners of war admittedly held by you and the number of

men missing in action are extremely revealing 9% of the

104

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

Republic of Korea Army missing in action and 28% of the

United States soldiers missing in action are admitted by you

to be prisoners of war against some 62% of your missing

in action who are in our custody as prisoners of war Now,

if we should assume that you captured 62% of our missing

in action, you would have almost 62,000 prisoners of war

Now, remember, in the first nine months of hostilities your

General Headquarters announced capturing 65,363 pris-

oners Now, in the face of either of these figures, the 65,363

officially reported by your General Headquarters for the

first nine months of hostilities, or the 62,000 which is a

reasonable estimate based on expected percentages, you now

list only 1 1,559 for ^ e enr ire period of hostilities Certainly

there can be no actual discrepancy of this magnitude We

are convinced that you are holding thousands of prisoners

of war, United Nations and Republic of Korea, for whom

you have failed to account We request your explanation

As we said yesterday afternoon, this is the first order of

business today We request that you account for the mini-

mum of some 50,000 prisoners of war missing from your

list I repeat, we request that you account for the mini-

mum of some 50,000 prisoners of war missing from your

list

GENERAL LEE SANG jo Today, too, basing upon your figure

of missing persons, you calculated the figure that we should

possess of your prisoners of war held by us That is illogical

You yourself know it's a fact that it is unscientific and un-

reasonable to request from the other side the figure of the

detained prisoners of war with the figure of your missing

persons, Of course, basing upon a certain basis we can

105

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

calculate out a certain figure But in doing so you can calcu-

late out relatively accurate figures only when you consider

the necessary conditions and only when you make use of the

necessary conditions

When you consider this question, what conditions must

be considered? Firstly, you must understand that last year,

before and after September, there was a sudden change in

the state of war, that the hostilities went on under a radical

change That is to say, there was a large-scale movement on

the front You must remember that under such circum-

stances we meant not to retain so many prisoners of war,

and in accordance with our traditional policy towards the

prisoners of war we released a large number of prisoners of

war immediately at the front At that time we released

many, many prisoners of war directly at the front At that

tame most of the prisoners we had held in Seoul, and m

regions south of Seoul, were released You must know that

it is a fact that we captured many prisoners at the front,

but you must also know that the movements of our troops

were being done at night And you must know that the dis-

tance between our front and your positions is not far This

is a fact which I witnessed at the front myself In transport-

nig a large number of prisoners of war, it was done with very

few of our escorts During such movements at night we

often suffered from your night air raids What does it mean?

You must understand there is the possibility that with a

small number of escorts and with the transportation of the

prisoners of war at night, the prisoners of war can be dis-

persed, that they can desert, that they can run away Ac-

cordingly, the fact that the hst we handed over to you con-

106

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

tains not so many prisoners of war is not a bad or strange

phenomenon as you say

At the front, when we talked with the prisoners of war and

found that they are opposed to the war and that they wished

to go back home, it was then our policy to release most of

them That we have been continuously doing and that we

will do We don't think that it is the increase of the military

forces, as you think, to return the military forces directly

from the front I tell you that we think it is right Our policy

of releasing the prisoners of war en masse was right, it was for

the benefit of the prisoners of war and better than detaining

so many prisoners of war Accordingly, we do not think

that the smallness of our list which we handed over to you

was inappropriate or not good as you think on the con-

trary, we rather think it was a good thing Those many

persons who are released and who have gone back home and

are enjoying a comfortable hfe will certainly know that we

are really serving the people, that we are working for the

people Accordingly, you shouldn't ask why we have so few

prisoners of war in our prison camps, but you should know

that they are leading a family life at home

Accordingly, you shouldn't ask us about persons which

we do not detain in our prisoner of war camps but instead,

if you are really humanitanan, you should congratulate the

released people on their hfe at home

ADMIRAL LEBBY With respect to General Lee's statement You

have stated that one reason for the extremely small list of

prisoners of war that you hold is that you have released

many, many prisoners at the front. Our inf ormation shows

that exactly 177 prisoners of war were released by you at the

107

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

front That is the number that have returned to our lines,

177 We have indicated that on the chart The number is

too small to be shown on the scale but the number is there

177 They are scarcely a drop in the bucket in the 50,000

plus, that we consider you must account for Now, you

stated that owing to the fact that a large number of pris-

oners of war were moved at night under various conditions

and with a small number of escorts, some of them could run

away or escape Surely you don't contend you mislaid some

50,000 prisoners of war in this manner? We have not avail-

able at the moment the exact number of escapees that

returned to our lines, but it is a safe estimate that it will

not exceed 100 at the most With respect to your conten-

tion about our use of missing in action figures as a basis of

calculation to your contention that it is unscientific and

untenable admittedly the percentage ratio is not definitive

but it is most certainly indicative

With respect to the condition of combat mentioned in

General Lee's statement There were large-scale movements

on the front after September, 1950 In general, and over-all

since then, your forces have been retiring and defending It

is characteristic of a retrograde movement that the missmg-

in-action figure is relatively high The missing-in-achon

figure is relatively high because some soldiers who are actu-

ally lolled in action are listed as missing in action since no

one has knowledge that they were killed, and the rearward

movement prevents recovery of the body Thus, the missrng-

in-action figure tends to be overestimated by the retiring

force, whereas the missuag-in-action figure is known quite

accurately for the pursuing force, which is able to find all its

108

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

killed in action Thus, under the over-all combat conditions

since September, 1950, your missing-in-action figure is

inflated while ours is the more accurate Yet we hold a

minimum of 62% of those you carry as missing in action,

while you admit to holding only 9% of the Republic of

Korea Army missing in action and only 28% of the United

States missing in action So much for conditions of combat

However, we are willing to drop for the fame being further

consideration of the ratio between killed in action and miss-

ing in action, if you prefer, and to base our case on your own

official General Headquarters reports Now, let us sum-

marize the situation

Your General Headquarters official claims are that your

side captured 65,363 United Nations Command prisoners

of war in the first nine months of the war Yesterday you

insisted that this was an accurate and reliable figure You

listed exactly 11,559 United Nations Command prisoners

on the prisoner-of-war list you gave us We asked you about

the remaining 53,804 and you replied that you released

"many, many" at the front Our information shows that this

"many, many" consisted of exactly 177 This leaves you

with at least 65,186 prisoners of war to account for, based

on your official General Headquarters claims and giving you

credit for the number who came back to us after having

been released at the front You claimed that there were a

large number of people who escaped How many escaped

and where are they now 7 Yet your pnsoner-of-war list still

accounts for only 11,559 tota ^ Therefore, using the most

optimistic figure for your side that we can generate by any

process of logic known to us, we still maintain that there are

109

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

upwards of 50,000 prisoners of war admittedly taken by you

for whom you have not given any accounting Now let the

eyes of the world observe your account for these people We

would like to know where they are We would like a con-

vincing, factual accounting

GENERAL LEE Today in your two statements you did mention

two facts one fact is that you hold many prisoners of war

The other is that we hold a small number of prisoners of

war Your arguments are not sound They are arguments

which ignore many facts

We tell you again that the figure published by our Gen-

eral Headquarters, as well as by our government, is correct

With the figure you have published, you are trying to give

us the impression that the ratio of prisoners of war held by

you is great, but you have forgotten the fact that in the

figure you published and in the lists you have given us,

many other persons are included You forget the fact that

should you include the figure of the persons you kidnaped

from our side, it would be an astonishing figure, and com-

paring it with the figure which you have given us, your

figure is even more astonishing You think it is strange that

our list of the prisoners of war is small

And with a view to obtaining a certain motive you say

that the people released by us amount to only 177 There

is no doubt that this does not coincide with the facts It is

a preparation for ignoring an important fact It is no more

than your aim of underestimating the fact that we released

so many prisoners of war directly at the front If we had, like

you, detained all the persons we captured, it would be pos-

sible that we would have the 50,000 you mentioned But we

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

allowed those who wanted to go back home and who did

not want to join a war against their country to go back

home and lead a peaceful life at home And we directly

released at the front those foreign prisoners of war who did

not want to join the war against people who fight for then*

real independence, who fight for their own people These

measures of ours are perfectly nght and I tell you that the

righteous people of the world praise this revolutionary

policy of ours towards the prisoners of war

Now you doubt our right and humanitarian measures and

our most revolutionary measures of releasing the prisoners

of war, and you deliberately try to give us and others the

impression that that was not real Whether you recognize

that fact or not, that is an unshakable fact This is no more

than your scheme of justifying your unfair insistence on

retaining part of the prisoners of war, and not releasing

them, with the reason that the figure of the prisoners of war

held by us is small whereas the figure of prisoners of war

held by your side is large Then, speaking concretely, tell us

what persons we did not release 7

ADMIRAL LTBBY General Lee, you referred to what our aim was

in this discussion Our aim is extremely simple We are not

trying to twist or distort your figures We are using your

official figures, plus such additional facts and I emphasize

facts as we have, to arrive at our best estimate as to how

many of our prisoners of war your side has never accounted

for by any means whatsoever We are seeking a simple,

factual accounting for people We have no dark aims or

hidden motives, we are seeking a simple, factual accounting

for people, people we believe you hold and have not re-

ili

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

ported So I must set the record straight in one very

important particular You said, General Lee, in your state-

ment, and I quote as accurately as possible "In searching

for an objective you say only 177 were released by us "

What I actually said was, and what I would like to repeat

is, that of the "many, many" you say you released at the

front, a total of 177 got back to our lines You say that you

allowed many, you allowed all those that wanted to go

home, to go home Since all we are seeking is an accounting,

we ask you to account for these that you allowed to go

home We asked you how many were allowed to go home

Give us a list of their names Since they were obviously

nationals of the Republic of Korea and the countries of the

United Nations Command, if you let them go home and

they had gone home, we should have known about it We

do not know where they are or who they are Give us an

accounting of these people

So we come up against the incontrovertible fact that of

all the "many, many" people prisoners of war that you

released at the front according to your assertion, only 177

ever reached our front lines and none that we know of ever

reached their homes They have disappeared from the face

of the earth according to all the facts available to us We

should like an accounting of those people We should like

an accounting of the upwards of 50,000 men who, according

to your own figures and the facts available to us, should be

in your pnsoner-of-war camps

GENERAL LEE You asked us to give you the name list of those

whom we released You must understand that among the

prisoners of war whom we released, there were those who

212

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

were released directly at the front, and those who were

brought to the rear and then sent to the front and released

Therefore, as to the majority of the prisoners of war whom

we directly released at the front, we did not keep a name

list and it was not necessary for us to make a name

list

ADMIRAL LTBBY The United Nations Command knows, and

your side knows that we know, that you have captured many

more soldiers of the Republic of Korea than the 7,142 listed

in your data Where are all these soldiers now? Some of

them who have succeeded m making their way back to our

lines have told us of having been forced to fight against their

own army until they managed to escape But thousands of

others are still serving in your army You say they are all

volunteers We are by no means convinced that this is so, in

the light of what those returned soldiers have told us In

any case, these captured soldiers are, and always have been,

entitled to the status of prisoners of war This means that

they should never have been used to do work directly con-

nected with military operations This means that you should

have shielded them and protected them from the effects of

military action Obviously, these two rights the right of all

prisoners of war not to participate in work which con-

tributes directly to the conduct of the war and the right to

be protected from the effect of military operations pre-

clude the use of prisoners of war in actual military service

against their own forces We feel that your side has fla-

grantly violated these basic precepts by impressing prisoners

of war mto your own forces We believe that you have

further violated their rights as individuals by striking their

113

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

names from the list of the prisoners of war that you handed

to us And by this action you would deny them the right to

be repatriated dunng an armistice In other words, having

used them illegally dunng a war, you would continue to use

them illegally dunng and after an armistice Now, quite

apart from the effects of this practice upon the individuals

concerned, what is its effect upon the basis of exchange of

the prisoners of war? It constitutes, in our view, a rather

transparent and fraudulent attempt to get something for

nothing Having deliberately presented incomplete lists

from which many thousands of names are missing, you then

come to this meeting and demand an all-for-all exchange of

pnsoners of war As I told you yesterday, when you include

in your lists all the pnsoners of war that you actually hold,

then your proposal for an all-for-all exchange, however un-

sound from a military point of view in a military armistice,

would at least be honest

GENERAL LEE You want to know where, when, and how many

pnsoners we released I think your insistence is no more

than an insistence on not trying to solve the question but

trying to continue the useless arguments You again make

such groundless statement that we should possess about

twenty tunes as much as we actually possess at present The

fact is certain that of a large amount of prisoners of war

released, some may be in your army and some may be living

their family life at home To release all the pnsoners of war

directly at the front during hostilities is possible only for an

army which fights only for the people, that you may find

it hard to understand

114

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

So the arguments continued for many months The United

Nations Command representative daily demanded an honest

accounting of the Communist-held prisoners In spite of our

persistent efforts to ferret out the truth, our opponents clung

stubbornly to their fantastic he that the question of the "miss-

ing" 50,000 men no longer existed because they "had been

released at the front and were home leading peaceful hves "

On repeated occasions, the United Nations Command dele-

gation asked the Communists directly whether any prisoners

held by them were in China on each of these many occasions

the Communists denied that any prisoners were being held

outside of Korea Admiral Libby even cited intelligence reports

to the Communists, showing that American prisoners had

been seen in China The Communists flatly stated these re-

ports were fictitious Recent releases of American prisoners

from China are comment enough on this question But at Pan-

munjom, the Communist story was one of injured innocence

ADMIRAL LIBBY Military personnel of your side whom we have

captured have related that they were members of details

which escorted United Nations Command personnel to

pnsoner-of-war camps in China one such individual even

described in detail a pnsoner-of-war processing center in

Harbin, China, to which he personally had helped escort

captured United Nations Command personnel Yet your

side has, across this table, categoncally denied that you ever

transported any of our personnel outside of Korea

GENERAL LEE Judging from your statement of today, you have

not only not given up your attempt to fabricate non-existent

facts continually, but have indicated that you are extending

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

your continuous absurd position and trying to fabricate

more fundamentally non-existent facts

Your attitude of trying not to settle the question but to

delay the meeting is shown clearly by your saying that we

have transported prisoners of war outside of Korea, or by

your saying that you knew something from the propaganda

made at the front by such rumors which you spread not

only at the conference table but also outside the conference

One of the wildest distortions of truth resorted to by the

Communists arose early in the armistice conference, when we

were attempting to fix a truce line across Korea In their efforts

to gain acceptance of a truce line more favorable to their

ultimate purposes, the Communists sought to degrade the

combat capabilities of the United Nations Command They

became contemptuous of American strength in Korea, espe-

cially of the effect of our air and naval strength When re-

minded that it was basically United States naval and air

strength that had brought Japan to surrender in World War

II, the Communists asserted that United States military efforts

against Japan failed, and that it was only after the Soviet

Union entered the war that the Japanese surrendered Notice

that the last part of this statement is historically correct The

implication is, of course, grossly false Japanese efforts to

arrange a surrender to the United States began many months

before the Soviet Union entered the Pacific War Japan would

have been forced to surrender to the United States even had

the Soviet Union entered the Pacific War on the side of Japan

Yet the Communists sought to use the half-truth that the

Japanese surrendered one week after the Soviets entered the

116

TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES

fray to create an illusion totally contradictory to the actual

facts Listen to the voice of the Communist mouthpiece as he

utters this distortion

"You said that in the last war Japan was defeated as a

result of blows inflicted by your naval and air forces

Your forces fought Japan for nearly four years without bemg

able to defeat them It was only by the Soviet Army that a

crushing blow was dealt and Japan was finally defeated "

On occasion the Communists had to rely on flat denial of

truth Such an occasion arose when the details of the truce line

were bemg fixed It had been agreed that the demarcation line

would be the actual line of ground contact between the two

opposing armies The question remained. Where, exactly, was

this line of contact 7 Staff officers were assigned to work out on

a map the actualities of the battle situation Colonels Kmney

and Murray for the United Nations Command delegation met

with Colonels Chang and Tsai of the Communist group to

accomplish this task

Kmney and Murray were promptly presented with a Com-

munist map showing the battle line about twenty miles be-

hind the front-line positions of the United States Eighth

Army Some points on the Communist "line of contact" were

even behind the division headquarters of our front-line divi-

sions Our staff officers recognized the futility of debating with

Communists who were deliberately choosing to deny facts

Accordingly, they proposed to Colonels Chang and Tsai that

all four officers proceed by helicopter along the battle line,

indenfafymg by actual examination the location of key points

held by one side or the other The Communists refused to do

this, knowing that such a procedure would invalidate their

217

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

position They simply continued to deny that the battle line

was where it in fact lay one point claimed by the Com-

munists lay some five miles south of Panmunjom, where the

negotiations were being held The Communist map showed

the battle line crossing the crest of a mountain at that point

Actually, the line of contact was five miles to the north, as

attested by the fact that a vicious battle was raging there even

as the staff officers talked Knowing this, Kmney and Murray

proposed that the Communist officers join them m going

immediately to the site of the battle then in progress, thus to

determine the actual line of contact at that point The Com-

munists refused They wanted no close contact with truth

Americans find it difficult to visualize a breed of men who

fight Truth at every turn, not just occasionally, but always and

repeatedly Yet, the Communists are such a breed Nothing is

so perilous to their dark designs as the full, unveiled truth I

sometimes thought they would rather lie than tell the truth

even when the truth would make a better case for them By

whatever means are most effective, they assault Truth Indeed,

dedicated as they are to the ascendancy of the greatest lie of

history, they can do no other

118

CHAPTER X

INCHES INTO MILES

Communists regard any concession made by then: opponents

as a sign of weakness Many Westerners entertain the notion

that to accept some part of a Communist negotiating proposal

will encourage the Communists to respond in kind on the

contrary, such action is likely to induce an even more adamant

attitude on their part The Communists reason that their

opponents would not accept any part of Communist proposals

if any other choice were available Communists expect their

opponents to accept their proposals only when compelled to

do so, or when an exchange of concessions by each side is

involved Therefore, if Western negotiators simply agree to a

Communist proposal without insisting on an equal concession

on another point, the Communists conclude that their op-

ponents are in a weak general position With this conclusion

in mind, the Communists become more aggressive, demand-

ing more, and conceding nothing

Communists will never accept a Western proposal, or

recede from one of their own, simply because logic or truth

indicated such action, or merely to make progress in a con-

119

BOW COMMUNISTS NECOTIATE

ference Accordingly, they will not credit their opponents with

being motivated by logic or by a sincere desire to make

progress Whenever Western negotiators make a concession to

Communist views for the purpose of making progress, Com-

munists consider this action is evidence of a deteriorating

Western position Therefore, they press even more strongly for

further concessions, and become more confident that fame

plays on their side

It has been described earlier how the United Nations Com-

mand delegation sought to gain Communist acceptance of

aerial observation of the truce Our purpose was to provide a

means of checking, by fast and reliable means, the activities of

both sides in abiding by truce terms The Communists, how-

ever, objected strenuously to this procedure Apparently, they

knew that though they could completely frustrate ground

observation of then* intended violations of the truce terms,

aenal observation would be most difficult to circumvent

Based upon considerable experience with Communists in

Korea, the United Nations Command held fast to its proposal

of aenal observation as an essential to safeguard the armistice

terms A stalemate resulted, with both sides eyeing each other

for signs of recession Excerpts from the ensuing discussion

follow (General Ferenbaugh of the United States Army was

the United Nations Command spokesman at this tune )

GENERAL HsiEH Will you cancel your proposal "In addition,

such periodic aenal reconnaissance, observation, and photo-

graphic flights as are required will be performed by the non-

combatant observer teams"?

GENERAL FERENBAUGH We think our proposal has great ment

120

INCHES INTO MILES

Our side has every right to he concerned for the security of

our forces during the time of the armistice

GENERAL HsiEH You will not take away that stumbling block 7

GENERAL FERENBAUGH We gave you a proposal which will in-

crease the stability of the armistice It is your refusal to

accept such a provision that causes the deadlock, stumbling

block, roadblock, or as you choose to designate it It is your

side that blocks progress by opposing a stable armistice

GENERAL HSIEH I cannot but point out that you have reversed

right and wrong Your proposal is an interference HI our

internal affairs That proposal, every sentence and every

word, was put there by your side As I have repeatedly

pointed out, the side that invites suspicion in these armistice

negotiations and in the attitude toward the entire settle-

ment of the Korean question is your side The deadlock is

created by your side and it is entirely up to you to break this

deadlock

GENERAL FERENBAUGH I have a couple of thoughts Why do

you object to noncombatant observer teams, noncombatant

pilots with noncombatant crews and noncombat airplanes,

performing in the same manner as the ground observer

teams will do 7

GENERAL HSIEH Our side holds that there should be no intro-

duction of military forces in Korea Therefore, inspection of

ports of entry in the rear through which military forces can

be introduced is sufficient There is no need for flights and

aenal inspection all over the country

GENERAL FERENBAUGH Let's take a hypothetical case. How do

you expect observer teams to inspect the some 570 miles of

the Yalu River?

121

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

GENERAL HSIEH There is no need for me to answer that ques-

tion

GENERAL KERENBAUGH I have another thought then We are

not concerned with whether we interfere with your internal

affairs when the alternative to that is to increase greatly the

threat to our forces in other words, the threat of your in-

creased military capabilities Security comes first during an

armistice

GENERAL HSIEH This quesbon has been answered by me many

tunes I have said that the side that invites suspicion is not

our side but your side

GENERAL PERENBAUGH Let's carry this a bit further Who in-

vites suspicion? Who invites suspicion by wanting to re-

habilitate airfields 7 Who is to decide nght from wrong?

GENERAL HSIEH It is not the right of any military armistice to

discuss the questions of internal facilities of an independent

and sovereign state, even less, to make any decision on it

Your side raised such unreasonable demands, we have a

perfect nght to refuse to discuss them I tell you I am not

here to negotiate this point the question as to what can be

rehabilitated and what cannot You had better not harbor

such an illusion

GENERAL FERENBAXTGH General Hsieh, you might as well ac-

cept the fact the United Nations Command is going to keep

on insisting on a safeguard, insurance if you will, against the

threat of the development of a military air capability on

your side during the armistice

GENERAL HSIEH Your side should be well aware of our attitude

on the settlement of the Korean quesbon Our posibon on

this quesbon consbtutes no threat at all to your side

122

INCHES INTO MILES

GENERAL FEKENBATJGH We think there is a lot of good hard

common sense in our statement I suggest that you apply

this in reading our proposal I suggest that you give earnest

consideration in connection with that proposal

GENERAL HsrEH There is a prerequisite to our consideration

If your side insists on including the proposal for aerial ob-

servation, we will not give any consideration to your pro-

posal

As mentioned before, the United Nations Command dele-

gation (over its objections) received orders from Washington

to renounce its position favoring aenal observation of the

truce Evidently, Washington believed that a no-strings-

attached backdown by the United Nations Command delega-

tion would produce a better atmosphere at the conference

table, leading to greater progress toward a truce Nothing

could have been more removed from reality

No sooner did the Communists witness the United Nations

Command concession on aerial observation of the truce than

they stiffened noticeably in their opposition to the United

Nations Command proposal on airfield rehabilitation We

were seeking to prohibit the construction or rehabilitation of

military airfields in Korea during the armistice The Com-

munists opposed this proposal Until the United Nations

Command delegation conceded the question of aenal observa-

tion, however, the Communists' arguments regarding airfield

reconstruction were somewhat less than categoric After our

concession on the aenal observation issue, the Communist

position on airfield reconstruction became absolutely inflex-

ible They never did yield on the question of airfields The

123

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

armistice agreement as finally signed contained no provision

for aerial observation and no prohibition of airfield construc-

tion Thus by a "naked" concession on one issue we gained

nothing and prejudiced another

A similar sequence of events occurred in connection with

the setting up of an organization to supervise the armistice

The United Nations Command delegation advocated a joint

supervisory commission composed of representatives of the

two belligerent forces in Korea The Communists initially

opposed any land of armistice supervisory agency, other than

the Armistice Commission itself which would be empowered

only to supervise the demilitarized zone Later, however, they

proposed a "neutral nations" commission We were well

aware that the Communist conception of a "neutral" would

be a Communist state We could see nothing but hypocrisy

and disadvantage for the United States in an armistice super-

visory agency made up of "neutrals" who were Soviet satellites

When the question reached a point of impasse, Washington

directed the United Nations Command delegation to accept

the "neutral nations" concept, although we had warned that

inspection by neutral teams would be nothing more than a

gesture with respect to the principle of inspection

When the Communists were apprised of our recession on

the composition of the supervisory agency they pondered the

matter for several weeks As described previously, at the end of

this period they proposed the Soviet Union as a neutral-nation

member of the supervisory commission I felt that the Com-

munists took this action somewhat with tongue in cheek

They could scarcely have believed that we would accept the

124

INCHES INTO MILES

Soviet Union as a "neutral " They must have wished to probe

Western weakness in order to discover whether it had a hot-

torn In any event, the issue of the Soviet Union as a "neutral"

grew directly from our concession regarding the composition

of the supervisory organization Give the Communists an inch

and they seek to take a mile

Perhaps the greatest smgle blunder of which the Western

world was guilty in the Korean Armistice Conference arose

from the fallacy of "concessions " The first mistake in this

connection occurred when the demarcation line, or truce line

separating the two sides, was being established As mentioned

before, from the standpoint of hindsight, the United Nations

Command delegation made a major error in allowing determi-

nation of the truce line to precede other agenda items We

could have recovered from this error, however, had we been

permitted to do so But the error was compounded and made

irrevocable by a directive from Washington

When the United Nations Command delegation ap-

proached the question of a truce line across Korea, we came to

an early conclusion that there should be no firm identification

of that line until just prior to the signing of the armistice

agreement We recognized that to specify a particular line on

the map as the truce line would tend to freeze the combat

situation, relieving the Communists of military pressure Ac-

cordingly, we sought agreement m principle that the truce line

should be the line of contact between the ground forces at the

time the armistice agreement -was signed

Such an agreement would leave the Eighth Army free to

continue its northward advance and thus to exert continuing

125

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

pressure on the Communists to reach an early armistice agree-

ment The more the Communists delayed, the more they

would lose in Korea

The Communists recognized the implications of a free-

wheeling truce line as well as we did They were insistent,

therefore, that the truce line be fixed once and for all They

realized that once a line was finally set and agreed upon, the

United Nations Command would not he free to conduct mili-

tary operations and to seize territory that would have to he

surrendered again at the time the truce was signed Further-

more, the casualties inevitably resulting could not be justified

In short, they wanted a "de facto" cease fire as a relief from

the Eighth Army's pressure

In order to secure a "de facto" cease fire, the Communists

sought the agreement of our General Hodes and Admiral

Burke to fix the truce line at once Listen to Communist Gen-

eral Lee Sang Jo

GENERAL LEE SANG jo Our enfare position on Item 2 of the

agenda cannot be fairer or more reasonable We propose

that we strictly abide by the present line of contact with

necessary adjustments in fixing the military demarcation

hne and establishing the demilitarized zone If only you

agree to abide strictly by the contact hne, we could proceed

swiftly to checking the existing line of contact according to

factual data

GENERAL HODES I want to straighten you out on one point

nght quickly We did not say at any fame that we would

agree that any line of contact or demarcation line could be

fixed only during the period of discussion of Item 2 of the

126

INCHES INTO MILES

agenda and neither will we agree to any such fixation We

made it very clear to you, and until today we have under-

stood that you were in full agreement, that any changes in

the line of contact at any tune prior to the final signing of

the armistice would be reflected in the demilitarized zone

In other words, since the line of contact is not fixed, the

demilitarized zone is not fixed until the armistice is signed

I hope that is very clear

GENERAL LEE SANG jo You either misunderstood or twisted

our statements By repeating a statement we can correct

your misunderstanding

GENERAL MODES The part that is particularly difficult for us to

understand is why you want to take the fame necessary now

to determine exactly the line of contact for mutual agree-

ments as of now when we must determine where it is at the

fame we finalize the agreement for an armistice Of course,

it can be done We think that since it must be done at the

proper fame there is nothing to be gained by doing it at this

fame

GENERAL LEE SANG jo The question is Can we determine the

military demarcation line and the demilitarized zone here

or not? I think we can reach an agreement on that here But

in spite of that you say you cannot determine it and that

you are not going to have any final decision at this time

The question of determining this is the question of laying

the foundation for the armistice negotiations. Although the

delegations have not yet determined and signed the agree-

ment, if they reach an agreement there can be no great

change in the battle front The question of whether either

delegation brings forth changes after the determination is

127

now COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

the quesfaon of their good faith towards the armistice Sup-

pose there is a line on which both sides agree, than it will

not be necessary to make changes in the line both have

agreed to, since if this line is determined the foundation for

the armistice has been reached and the other questions will

be easily settled

ADMIRAL BURKE This morning you have raised a new problem

This further complicates an already difficult question Con-

trary to our previous understanding of the expectation of

both sides that the armistice agreements must be based on

conditions existing at the time of signing, you now state you

want to fix a line of contact now and that line of contact

will not be subject to change between the time of fixing the

line and the signing of the armistice

In July, when the conference was started, we believed that

an armistice would be obtained in a short tame We had

hopes the fighting would cease soon Our hopes did not

materialize, 118 days have passed since the conference be-

gan Do you believe that anyone then could have prophesied

that the line of contact would be where it is today, four

months later? Neither we, nor you, nor anyone have any

way of knowing now how much tune will elapse before we

reach an agreement on how much conditions will change

An armistice agreement must be based on conditions exist-

ing at about the time the armistice is signed

The question at issue in these premises was not one of real

estate It was a question of military pressure, without which

we doubted that the Communists could be compelled to nego-

tiate reasonably on the other hand, we felt sure that if our

128

INCHES INTO MILES

United Nations Command attack was kept up in full strength

the Communists would have no choice but to accept equitable

armistice terms within a reasonable time It was evident to us

that the Communist negotiators analyzed the situation like-

wise

At this point the United Nations Command delegation,

over our and General Ridgway's strenuous objections, received

instructions from Washington directing us to agree to im-

mediate delineation of a truce line across Korea These in-

structions specified that we should require the Communists

to agree to a provisional truce line conforming to the battle

line which would hold good for thirty days, after which the

truce line would become the battle line at the time the armis-

tice was signed In effect, this decision gave the Communists

what they had been seeking a "de facto" cease fire for thirty

days which enabled them to dig in and stabilize their bat-

tle line This concession to the Communists was the turn-

ing point of the armistice conference Thereafter, because the

fighting slackened, we lacked the essential military pressure

with which to enforce a reasonable attitude toward the nego-

tiations Our delegation no longer had a strong lever to use

against Communist intransigence Thereafter we were con-

fronted with Communist stalling and delaying tactics at every

turn It is my considered judgment that this error in offering a

concession to gam nothing more than apparent (and illusory)

progress m the negotiations cost the United States a full year

of war in Korea and armistice terms far more disadvantageous

than otherwise could have been obtained I hope our govern-

ment learned a lesson Certainly we paid a monstrous price for

the schooling

229

CHAPTER XI

THE WELSHERS

Communist negotiating procedure is replete with devices de-

signed to avoid agreements in any way prejudicial to their

objectives Yet when these have been fully employed the Com-

munists have not shot their final bolt Communists are not

embarrassed in the least to deny an agreement already reached

It makes little difference that such agreements may be in

written form If so, the Communists simply state that your

interpretation is an incorrect one

Communist tactics in welshing on agreements are often

identical to those of the man who was required to state, under

oath, whether a certain written sentence was correct The

sentence was, "Jones said Smith was the guilty party " The

man certified under oath that this statement was correct Later

he decided to change his position on the matter in question

Consequently, he then stated that the correct version was,

"Jones," said Smith, "was the guilty party " By inserting punc-

tuation he changed the sense of the sentence 180 degrees

With people who are capable of such tncky reversals of their

field, having agreements in writing helps very little

130

THE WELSHERS

As discussed in the preceding chapter, the first major agree-

ment reached m the Korean Armistice Conference was to use

the ground battle line as the truce line Staff officers labored

for weeks to reach an agreed version of where this line of con-

tact lay After seemingly interminable haggling by the Com-

munists, a line was finally marked out, mile by tortured mile,

on a huge map of Korea Each point on the line was disputed^

until finally one side or the other conceded the position After

long days and nights of such crawling progress, at last a line

existed on the map that had been accepted in all parts by both

groups of staff officers No sooner had the last section been

drawn in, completing the line to the sea, than the Communist

staff officers began welshing on their agreements Colonel Tsai

turned to previously agreed sections of the map and an-

nounced that he could not accept the positions marked

thereon The first point he indicated as unacceptable was con-

tamed in a section of the line that he himself had marked in

with a red pencil Thus, Tsai denounced as unacceptable to

his side a section of the truce line he himself had ]ust entered

on the map and which had been agreed to by our United

Nations Command staff officers Colonel Murray, our United

Nations Command staff officer who had developed the line

along with Tsai, slammed down his fist on the conference

table and grated at the Chinese "Why, you damned buffoon'

You deny agreements you entered into not an hour ago, in

fact one you yourself offered'" This outburst by Murray, a

formidable-looking Marine officer, caused Tsai to retire to the

far corner of the tent muttering that he could not be bullied.

In the upshot, the disputed points were resolved, but not

without extended wrangling

131

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Some months later, the question of exchanging prisoners

of war arose in all its complications As will be discussed later,

on instructions from Washington the United Nations Com-

mand delegation adopted the position that only those pris-

oners who would not forcibly resist repatriation should be

returned to the Communists This principle required that a

screening of all United Nations Command-held prisoners be

accomplished to determine which ones were to return to the

Communists After objecting for many weeks to such a pro-

cedure, as well as to the principle of no forced repatriation,

the Communists tacitly agreed to the screening process They

even proceeded to assist the United Nations Command in

executing the screening by providing a letter to be read to all

prisoners urging them to return to the Communist fold The

letter stated in part

"We wholeheartedly welcome the return of all of our

captured personnel to the arms of the motherland, we have

further guaranteed, in an agreement reached with the other

side, that all captured personnel shall, after their repatria-

tion, rejoin their families to participate in peaceful con-

struction and live a peaceful life "

Thus the Communist negotiators contributed to the screen-

ing process before the screening of prisoners was accomplished

and before results displeasing to them became known Now

hear them on this same point after the screening count had

come in, showing that the majority of the prisoners did not

wish to return to Communism

GENERAL NAM EL We absolutely do not recognize any of the

so-called screening and its results conducted by your side'

152

THE WELSHEBS

Our side absolutely cannot agree to any such course of

action taken by your side' This figure, which does not in the

least represent actual facts, is meaningless and our side

absolutely cannot consider it' In taking such a course of

action and presenting such an absurd figure, your side is in

effect attempting to make our side accept completely,

through this round figure, the principle of so-called "volun-

tary repatriation" of your side That principle of "voluntary

repatriation" is, in effect, a principle of forced retention of

the captured personnel of our side It has met with firm

opposition from our side for the past four months and that

is what our side absolutely cannot accept Your side has

overthrown the basis for further negotiations' Such in-

sistence by your side on our acceptance of your absurd and

unreasonable proposition of forced retention of the captured

personnel of our side will not have its way and will not

achieve its aim Such insistence by your side only makes us

more doubtful whether your side really intends to settle

questions through negotiations and to reach an armistice at

any early date

Our side is firmly opposed to the retention of our cap-

tured personnel by your side and to any screening which is

designed for the retention of our captured personnel. It is

inconceivable and nobody would believe that our side, who

is firmly opposed to the retention of our captured personnel

by your side under whatever name, could have agreed di-

rectly to your so-called screening'

The question now is whether your side would choose to

insist upon your unilateral and unreasonable proposition to

retain our captured personnel rather than reach an armistice

133

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

in Korea If you do this, you will be condemned by the

families of tens of thousands of war prisoners by both sides

and by the peace-loving people throughout the world

ADMIRAL JOY You furnished our side for use in our screening

process a statement of amnesty from your official sources In

short, you knew that screening was to take place, you

acquiesced in its accomplishment, and only when its result

was not to your hkmg and expectation did you decide to

object to it Had the results been to your liking, you would

have enthusiastically welcomed the product of the screening

Thus it is clear that your complaint that the screening of

prisoners of war was illegal is a hypocritical complaint,

based on your unwillingness publicly to acknowledge the

truth

GENERAL NAM XL Our side has always been opposed to your

screening of our captured personnel Our side opposed it in

the past, opposes it now, and will oppose it in the future

But you have the audacity to say that, "The screening of

prisoners was entered into in good faith and was done with

your full knowledge and acquiescence " I must point out

with emphasis that this is completely fabrication and

slander The record of the discussions of the pnsoner-of-war

question thoroughly behes such unfounded fabrications of

yours

Thus the Communists executed denials of agreements they

had entered To them the matter is very simple An agreement

has no special validity of its own, no matter how solemnly

ratified An agreement is binding on Communists only if it

operates to the advantage of their purposes If they discover

134

THE WELSHERS

that an agreement works to the disadvantage of Communism,

then it is invalid To their devious minds, it is irrational to

abide by an undertaking that is working out badly for their

cause, no matter what dishonor might attend the act of

welshing Whoever rests his faith on the reliability of Com-

munist agreements hangs perilously by a frayed rope

A somewhat amusing indication of the Communist tend-

ency to welsh occurred in February, 1952, when we took up

Item 5 of the agenda This item was cryptically stated as

"Recommendations to the governments concerned" The

Communists wished to incorporate in this item all manner of

proposals relating to the general situation in the Far East

The United Nations Command delegation firmly maintained,

however, that the "charter" of the Korean armistice confer-

ence limited it strictly to Korea Finally, the Communists sub-

mitted a proposal regarding Item 5 The sense of this proposal

was substantially that after the armistice was signed, a political

conference should be held to discuss such matters as with-

drawal of foreign troops from Korea, a peace treaty for Korea,

and related matters

Our delegation considered the Communist proposal from the

standpoint that, after all, it constituted no more than a recom-

mendation to the governments involved in the Korean War

Those governments could accept or reject the recommenda-

tions as they saw fit Therefore, we promptly accepted tie

Communist proposal

When I informed Nam II that our side accepted his word-

ing for Item 5, the Communist delegation went into a state

of confusion Not only had the United Nations Command

delegation accepted their wording for Agenda Item 5, we had

135

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

accepted it quickly. The Communists were all suspicion

Where had they blundered? Nam II asked for a forty-minute

recess

At the end of the recess, Nam II asked that the recess be

extended until the following day on the following day, the

Communists again extended the recess for another twenty-four

hours

When we met again with the Communists, Nam II deliv-

ered a long statement full of escape clauses affecting his own

proposal At the end of this, still apparently uncertain about

his own proposal, Nam II proposed that staff officers be

directed to discuss Item 5 further Colonels Chang and

Kmney were delegated to this task, but I instructed Kinney

not to agree to any substantive change in the Communists'

proposal No further meetings were ever held on this subject

The Communists did not actually welsh on their own pro-

posal regarding Item 5, but I think it is obvious they thought

long and hard about doing so Though they had submitted

theu: proposal in writing and argued for it in vigorous fashion,

none of us in the United Nations Command delegation would

have been at all surprised if they had denounced it utterly

when our meetings were resumed Perhaps the moral of this

story is Never trust a Communist promise, however given

trust only Communist deeds

136

CHAPTER XII

WEARYING TACTICS

Allied with all other Communist techniques heretofore con-

sidered, and invariably used m conjunction therewith, is the

Communist procedure of endless, stupid repetition of their de-

mands By "stupid'* I do not mean to imply that their pro-

cedure as a whole is senseless Far from it Altogether too

often, mere repetition of their demands gams Communist

objectives The substance of the statements used in repetition

of demands introduces the imtatingly stupid element on day

after barren day the Communists will regurgitate the identical

statements, the same arguments, used endlessly before They

seem to follow the philosophy of the small lad who had a

dollar bill changed into pennies at one bank, then back into

a bill at another bank, then back into pennies, ad infimtum

When asked why he pursued this seemingly senseless practice,

the lad replied, "Sometime somebody is gomg to make a mis-

take, and it isn't going to be me "

It has been described earlier how the Communists sought

to impose on the Korean Armistice their idea that the 38th

Parallel of latitude should be the truce line The arguments

137

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

they advanced to support this proposal were few, simple, and

utterly fallacious Their chief point was that since the war

began on the 38th Parallel, it should end there Such a policy

applied to our war with Japan would have resulted in our

surrendering every area of the Pacific we had won in battle

back to Pearl Harbor, since it was at Pearl Harbor that the

war began Despite the nonsense of their proposal, the Com-

munists held to it, repeated it, replayed the same old broken

record over a period of four and one-half months It would be

impossible to describe the unutterable boredom of listening to

the same hollow arguments that long In an effort to break the

singsong monotony of Communist speeches, and with a hope

of making better progress, the United Nations Command

delegation first proposed recessing the full meetings of dele-

gates into meetings of subdelegafaons Hearing the same story

at these subdelegafaon meetings, we then proposed recessing

into meetings of staff officers Always, however, the arguments

presented by the Communists were almost letter-perfect re-

petitions of those presented earlier Our own interpreters

hardly needed to follow the current declamations of the Com-

munist spokesmen they knew them by memory

Each morning, prior to proceeding to Kaesong or Panmun-

jom for the day's events, the delegation held an informal

meeting to discuss what should be done during that day's con-

ference At one of these, our fine young interpreter, Lieutenant

Kenneth Wu, reeled off a long statement which he predicted

would be made by the Communists at the forthcoming ses-

sion He may have missed it by a comma, but not more

When negotiations at Kaesong were suspended by Com-

munist action they called off all meetings "indefinitely" a

138

WEARYING TACTICS

period ensued in which the respective liaison officers met in an

effort to arrange resumption of the conference The United

Nations Command position was flat and clear we would

resume anytime, anywhere, except at Kaesong Their sole argu-

ment was that the conference had begun at Kaesong and

should therefore continue at Kaesong The United Nations

Command delegation, through our liaison officers, explained

that the Kaesong site had a record of three major interruptions

of the conference, owing to circumstances peculiar to Kaesong

We would not return to that site, hut would meet anywhere

else that provided a more neutral setting

After stating our case against Kaesong, our liaison officers

met daily with the Communists between August 2zd and

October 25th, hstenmg to the same Communist tune Come

back to Kaesong I have no idea how long the Communists

might have continued to repeat themselves regarding a return

to Kaesong had it not been for the following salutary turn

of events

During the course of the liaison officers' meetings, the

United Nations Command resumed its check-reined offensive

against the Communist armies in Korea All United Nations

Command forces ground, naval, and air opened up their

powerful attack Soon the Communist forces were reeling

from these heavy blows No sooner had this condition been

created by our military action than the Communists became

most reasonable at the conference table Suddenly my liaison

officers were able to achieve marvels of negotiating skill

Chang, for the Communists, became a model of cooperative-

ness Sitting in my tent at Munsan after a day of unprece-

dented progress at Panmunjom, and cocking an ear at the

139

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

sound of our shells and bombs crunching against Communist

positions, our Colonel Kinney remarked to me, "Those [the

explosions] are your most effective arguments " I am convinced

beyond any doubt that had our powerful offensive during the

autumn of 1951 been continued, we would have had an armis-

tice in Korea a year earlier than we did

The pnsoner-of-war issue was the backdrop against which

we listened to the Communist technique of repetition ad

nauseam. on December nth, 1951, debate on the prisoner-of-

war question began It continued for eighteen months Com-

munist arguments against our United Nations Command

principle of "no forced repatriation of prisoners" were re-

peated, I would say, at least a thousand fames Literally, there

were millions of words spoken by the Communist negotiators

condemning the United Nations Command for refusing to

return prisoners to Communism at bayonet point Consider

the following three speeches by Communist spokesmen, each

given at a different fame, each replete with untruths and dis-

tortions

On 25 April, 1952

COLONEL TSAI Your side insists on the application of the so-

called "voluntary repatriation" to all of the captured person-

nel of our side, but the ami of your side that is, the

ultimate result which you are pursuing is forced retention

of more than 100,000 of the captured personnel of our side

You have made use of the Chiang Kai-shek and Syngman

Rhee special agents to perpetrate all kinds of criminal activ-

ities in the pnsoner-of-war camps of your side, tattooing the

captured personnel of our side, forcing them to write pefa-

140

WEARYING TACTICS

bons in blood, and even not hesitating to resort to bloody

massacres and to carry out bloody criminal activities These

facts are well known to all the people of the world You

must know that the captured personnel of our side are

under the military control of your side, and that such crim-

inal acts of yours are in open and direct violation of the

Geneva Convention, and will not be permitted by just

people all over the world

Your side, however, unreasonably insists upon this prop-

osition of so-called "voluntary repatriation" which is not at

all tenable Under your military control, how could there

be the conditions for ｅxpression of free will and purpose?

There has never been anything as "voluntary repatriation"

throughout history This proposition is in itself invalid It is

a direct violation of the Geneva Convention, from which

your side has been quoting so readily and frequently I think

that in your hearts you yourselves are also aware that your

proposition is in no way justifiable As a result, the discus-

sions on the question of prisoners of war during the period

from December 11, 1951, to March 5, 1952, has yielded no

result

In fact, the ami of your side is not to solve the question

through negotiations on a fair and reasonable basis Your

side is not in the least concerned with the interests of the

tens of thousands of captured personnel of our side and

their families Your true purpose is to delay these negotia-

tions, or even to wreck them, so as to satisfy your desire of

gathering cannon fodder for your further extending the war

in collaboration with your friends Chiang Kai-shek and

Syugman Rhee

141

ffOV COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

On 18 May, 1952

GENERAL NAM IL To release and repatnate all war prisoners m

the custody of "both sides after the cessation of hostilities is a

matter of course, and is also explicitly required by the

Geneva Convention If this self-evident principle is fol-

lowed, the question of war prisoners should have been

settled speedily and reasonably long ago The reason why

the question of war prisoners is not yet settled is entirely

due to your insistence on the absurd proposition of retaining

our captured personnel as your cannon fodder, against the

natural desire of war prisoners to return home to lead a

peaceful life, and against the stipulation of the Geneva

Convention as recognized by the whole world

In order to reach your objective of forcibly retaining our

captured personnel, your side has long since used Chiang

Kai-shek's gangsters and Syngman Rhee's agents to maltreat

our captured personnel employing every barbarous method

and even creating world-known bloodshed to screen our

captured personnel by force and subject them to your slav-

ery Your criminal acts against the law and against humanity

have developed to such a notorious extent that they are

impossible for you to hide

You should know that your proposition of retaining our

captured personnel by force under the name of "voluntary

repatriation" is itself in total violation of the Geneva War

Prisoner Convention Your such unilateral and unreason-

able proposition is absolutely unacceptable Your side dis-

regards the urgent desire of your own captured personnel to

go home and lead a peaceful life Your side chooses to insist

142

WEARYING TACTICS

upon your proposition of retaining our captured personnel

rather than stopping the Korean War

On 21 May, 1952

GENERAL NAM EL Your side has not yet made any account for

the repeated massacre of our captured personnel perpetrated

by your side Yet your side once again carried out bloody

murder of our captured personnel The serious sanguinary

incident of May zoth, m which your side inflicted eighty-six

casualties among our barehanded, captured personnel in

your prisoner-of-war camp at Pusan, once again exposed be-

fore the whole world that your so-called voluntary repatria-

tion and screening are a great hoax and your so-called

respect for "fundamental human rights" and "personal dig-

nity" and "humane principles" is a big lie

After your design to retain our captured personnel by

force collapsed in bankruptcy, you have taken a series of

measures of terror against them to retrieve your bankrupt

design

It is obvious that you have overestimated the ability of

the Chiang Kai-shek gangsters and Syngman Rhee's agents

in coercing our captured personnel You have underestim-

ated the struggle and the unbending will of resistance of

our captured personnel

In order to manufacture the so-called results of screening,

your side directly prompted the Chiang Kai-shek and Syng-

man Rhee agents to coerce our captured personnel into

tattooing their own bodies, writing blood petitions, and

fingerprinting Your special agents mauled and beat our

captured personnel unconscious and then dipped their

143

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

hands in tiieir own blood to put their fingerprints on your

lists of so-called "Prisoners of War Resisting Repatriation "

Is that youi consideration of the dignity of the human per-

son? Your side treats our captured personnel inhumanly,

and continuously subjects them to massacre in an attempt

to force them to accept your forcible retention and serve as

your cannon fodder But the firm will of our captured per-

sonnel to return home to lead a peaceful hf e is unshakable

Your principle of so-called voluntary repatriation and the

screening activities stemming from that principle not only

repudiated the charter of the United Nations and consti-

tuted a direct violation of the Geneva Convention but even

does not represent the stand of all the nations which you

claim it represents They are only the absurd ideas against

law and humanity held by a small number of bellicose ele-

ments of your side designed to wreck the Korean armistice

In the face of the heroic and righteous resistance of our

captured personnel, and before undeniable facts, your so-

called voluntary repatriation and screening have collapsed

in utter bankruptcy M the last struggles for their salvage

will be in vain

Thus the Communists sought to wear away the stone by

constant drippings on the three issues I have used as exam-

ples, the stone held fast But the Communists know that

though their wearisome, grinding process of repetition may

fail them in respect to the direct issue at hand, the weariness

of the Western world remains and may be exploited on later

issues I must note that though the United Nations Command

successfully resisted Communist repetitions of their demand

144

WEARYING TACTICS

that the 38th Parallel be made the truce line, we fell soon

thereafter into the error of agreeing to fixing a truce line (the

battle line) across Korea before other issues were settled

Though the Western world successfully resisted Communist

tedious repetitions about prisoners of war, we gave up the

principles of no airfield construction during the truce and

aenal observation of the truce terms The Communists could

justly count their "wearying 7 ' tactics something better than a

complete failure

CHAPTER XIH

PRISONERS OF WAR

Preceding sections of this account of Communist techniques

in the Korean Armistice Conference have followed a set pat-

tern In each section I have discussed a recurrent Communist

tactic and illustrated that particular tactic from the record of

events This procedure will now be abandoned The reason

for this change is that the basic attitude of the Communists

on the prisoner-of-war issue is not susceptible to exposure as a

lying, deceitful, or fraudulent technique Throughout the long

arguments over the exchange of prisoners of war, the Com-

munists engaged in every nefarious practice known to them

They lied, they blustered, they became vindictive, they

welshed, they twisted, distorted, and denied truth, they de-

layed, they threatened Even though all these despicable de-

vices were resorted to by the Communists, thus clouding the

true issue before the conference, in their basic argument on

the pnsoner-of-war question they had some sound reasons on

their side Basing their arguments on then: interpretation of

the Geneva Conventions, the Communists contended that the

United Nations Command had no nght to withhold repatna-

146

PRISONERS OF WAR

tion of certain prisoners of war merely because those prisoners

expressed opposition to being repatriated The United Nations

Command contended that it had the right and the duty to

refuse to repatriate those prisoners who could not be returned

to the side of their origin without the use of force on this I

believe there is cause for thoughtful reflection Accordingly, I

will relate the story of the pnsoner-of-war issue chronologically,

rather than in a pattern of Communist malevolence at the

conference table

I must stipulate one general reservation I feel certain the

Communists did not adopt the attitude they maintained

toward the pnsoner-of-war question because it was sound and

correct They were not motivated by sincere interest in the

welfare of prisoners, nor by conviction that law and reason

supported their stand Instead, they were motivated by the

basest of considerations an advantage for Communism Even

so, we must not abandon our minds to the cliche* that what

is advantageous to Communism is therefore necessarily unrea-

sonable and wrong It is possible to be right, even with the

worst of motivations It is possible to be wrong, even with the

best Judge for yourself

During the course of the war, the United Nations Com-

mand had captured 176,000 prisoners of war In accord with

the Geneva Conventions we had promptly reported the names

of these prisoners to Geneva An important fact to remember

about these captured personnel is that they were captured

The overwhelming majority of these people did not come

rushing into our arms voluntarily Most of them were taken

in General MacArthur's giant net, fashioned by the Inchon

flanking operation early in the war Almost all had been taken

141

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

prisoner at the point of United Nations Command guns Prior

to that time, they had been energetically kiUing, wounding, or

firing at United Nations Command personnel only a minute

number were "surrendered personnel" who had come to our

side because of hope for a better life They were prisoners of

war in the truest sense of the phrase

During the same period, the Communists had captured ap-

proximately 100,000 United Nations Command personnel,

most of them troops of the Republic of Korea The Com-

munists had reported only no names to Geneva for reasons

best known to them They had boasted, however, on then

propaganda radios of capturing 65,000 United Nations Com-

mand troops Although the Communists had reported only

no names to Geneva, they released 177 United Nations Com-

mand personnel held by them "at the front " By "release at

the front" is meant they brought groups of prisoners to within

sight of our front lines and told them they were free to go All

of these 177 men proceeded directly to our side and were

recovered

The opening gun of the prisoner-of-war debate was fired on

27 November, 1951, when I asked Nam II to agree to the

exchange of names of prisoners held by each side The Com-

munists evaded this proposal by simply ignoring it

On December 4, 1951, 1 suggested that a subdelegafaon be

formed to initiate discussion of the exchange of prisoners

After considering the matter a week, the Communists agreed

Meetings of the subdelegation began on 11 December

Admiral R E Libby, senior member of the United Nations

Command subdelegation, pointed the first week of discussions

at the objective of exchanging lists of names of prisoners At

148

PRISONERS OF WAR

last the Communists agreed to do this We furnished a list of

132,000 names, about 20,000 Chinese and the remainder

Korean The Communists furnished a list of only 11,559

names, including 3,198 United States personnel Obviously

there were discrepancies between the totals previously an-

nounced by both sides and the numbers provided by name

The United Nations Command had reported 176,000 names

to Geneva, but submitted a list to the Communists of only

132,000 The Communists had boasted of capturing 65,000

United Nations Command personnel, but submitted a list to

us of less than 12,000 These differences needed explanation

During the rapid advance of the United Nations Command

forces northward to the Yalu in 1950, many Koreans whose

identity was questionable were swept into our military custody

The press and confusion of war made it most difficult to

determine who was a guerrilla, who was not This situation

was the more confounded by the fact that North Korean

troopers, faced with imminent capture, would shuck their uni-

forms and mingle with the Korean populace When a screen-

ing was later performed under the auspices of the Interna-

tional Committee of the Red Cross, 38,000 of those in our

custody were found to be bona fide citizens of the Republic

of Korea These were reclassified as civilian internees, but we

continued to hold them in custody against the necessity of

having to account for them Removal of this group from our

reported total of 176,000 brought the figure down to 138,000

Deaths and escapes occurring in two years reduced the total

to 132,000 This total was submitted to the Communists

On the Communist side, the story was a weird one The

difference between their radio claims of 65,000 prisoners and

149

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

their submission to us of 11,559 names about 53,000 men-

was explained away by Lee Sang Jo of the Communists with

the bald untruth that these 53,000 were "released at the

front" Actually most of the 53,000 had been impressed into

the North Korean Army Such was the statistical situation

when the great debate on prisoners of war began

Originally it was the intent of the United Nations Com-

mand delegation to propose an all-for-all exchange of pris-

oners This seemed the most promising approach to ensure

beyond doubt the recovery of all the United Nations Com-

mand personnel held by the Communists We felt morally

obligated to recover all United Nations Command personnel

and to recover them as soon as possible We felt that any

qualification of an all-for-all exchange principle might be an

opening wedge for the Communists to use in holding back

our people In Washington, however, other concepts were

being entertained

The United Nations Command delegation received instruc-

tions from Washington to propose that prisoners be ex-

changed on the basis of "voluntary repatriation/' that is, each

prisoner was to express his desire whether to return to the side

of his origin or to remain with the side that held him captive

Later the principle was renamed "no forced repatriation " To

the delegation, this concept posed severe dangers

First, the "voluntary repatriation" principle would jeopard-

ize the recovery of all United Nations Command personnel

Second, it would extend the negotiations, thus extending the

period of captivity for the prisoners, and extending the war

with its attendant casualties Third, the principle of voluntary

repatriation was an arbitrary one, commanding no solid sup-

150

PRISONERS OF WAR

port in the Geneva Conventions except by unilateral inter-

pretation of that covenant (Articles 7 and 118 of Geneva

Conventions * ) Fourth, to require prisoners to make a highly

important and permanent choice under the conditions of im-

prisonment was to ask of them a decision they were probably

not best prepared to make Fifth, voluntary repatriation would

establish a dangerous precedent which might well react to OUT

disadvantage in future conflicts with Communist powers

should they ever hold a preponderance of prisoners We would

have no recourse if they refused neutral visits to their prisoner

camps and said that none of our men wished to be repatriated

Sixth, it was a political issue which strictly had no place in a

military armistice agreement A military armistice agreement

should be no more than an agreement between opposing com-

manders to stop fighting It should never be concerned with

political questions

The other side of this case was based on strong human-

itarian considerations It was assumed that the Communists

would at least maltreat if not execute the prisoners they re-

covered This was particularly feared in respect to those

pnsoners who had announced their desire to remain with our

side Some had even tattooed legends on their bodies declaim-

ing their repudiation of Communism Some of us believed the

United Nations Command had a moral obligation to such

pnsoners not to hand them over to possible Communist

kangaroo trials and probable death

* "Article 7 Prisoners of war may in no circumstances renounce in part or

in entirety the nghts secured to them by the present Con-

vention

"Article 118 Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated without

delay after the cessation of active hostilities "

151

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

It must be admitted, however, that besides humanitarian

considerations, the major objective of the Washington deci-

sion to insist on voluntary repatriation was to inflict upon the

Communists a propaganda defeat which might deter them

from further aggression It was thought that if any substantial

portion of the ex-Commumst soldiers refused to return to

Communism, a huge setback to Communist subversive activ-

ities would ensue I regret to say this does not seem to have

been a valid point There have been no wholesale defections

from Asiatic Communism flowing from our demonstration

that asylum would be granted Nor has our demonstration

deterred the Communists from their aggression in Indochina

and their present warlike intentions pointing to Formosa

Whatever temporary loss of prestige in Asia Communism

suffered from the results of "voluntary repatriation" has long

since been overtaken by Communism's subsequent victory in

that area

'Voluntary repatriation" placed the welfare of ex-Com-

mumst soldiers above that of our own United Nations Com-

mand personnel in Communist prison camps, and above that

of our United Nations Command personnel still on the battle

luie in Korea I wanted our own men back as soon as we could

get them Since we were not allowed to achieve a victory, I

wanted the war halted Voluntary repatriation cost us over a

year of war, and cost our United Nations Command prisoners

in Communist camps a year of captivity The United Nations

Command suffered at least 50,000 casualties in the continuing

Korean War while we argued to protect a lesser number of ex-

Commumsts who did not wish to return to Communism

Washington directed that we pursue the voluntary repatna-

152

PRISONERS OF WAR

tion principle The Communists objected to it vigorously

They pointed out that the Geneva Convention required the

return of all prisoners to the side of their origin a correct

literal interpretation of that covenant We argued that the

spirit of the Geneva Conventions was to protect the best inter-

ests of prisoners, and that our proposal did that As described

previously, after many weeks of wrangling, the Communists

agreed to provide us with an amnesty proclamation to be read

to all prisoners held by us prior to screening them to deter-

mine their desires Thus, the Communists lent themselves to

the initial screening of prisoners, perhaps hoping that the

results would not be too unpleasant from their point of

view

The screening of prisoners introduced severe difficulties

Many groups of Communist prisoners, still fanatic Com-

munists, refused to be screened Certain compounds of these

fanatics held in our big prisoner-of-war camp on the island of

Koje-do would not submit to questioning by our screening

teams, and would not budge out of their compounds These

compounds were therefore considered 100 per cent Com-

munist Other compounds were dominated by thoroughly in-

doctrinated and equally fanatic anti-Communists These

leaders so intimidated weaker willed prisoners that many were

fearful of expressing their desire for repatriation When the

totals of the screening process were taken and reported to the

delegation we were all amazed only about 70,000 of the total

132,000 prisoners agreed to return to Communism

On hearing these results the Communist delegation went

through the overhead of the tent at Panmunjom They

charged the United Nations Command with every manner

153

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

D cnme relative to the prisoners They contended that the

iCreenrng was done under conditions forcing the prisoners to

-eject Communism Admiral Libby remarked to me, "We

have passed the point of no return " Listen for a moment to

the voice of our opponents as they raged over our alleged

snllarny

SENERAL NAM XL Everybody knows that for a long period of

tune you have been using Chiang Kai-shek's gangsters and

Syngman Rhee's agents to take aU kinds of barbarous meas-

ures to coerce our captured personnel into refusing repatria-

tion You have not hesitated to use methods of bloodshed

and murder to gain your infamous aim You have not yet

made an account for the incidents of February i8th and

March i3th, when your side twice massacred our captured

personnel

In order to assist you to gain the arm of retaining our

captured personnel, the Chiang Kai-shek ring repeatedly

directed their agents to force our captured personnel to start

the so-called movement of refusing repatriation by writing

blood petitions, making appeals, and even by announcing

collective suicide For all these facts, our side is in possession

of incontestable evidence Your activities in employing

barbarous methods in an attempt to retain our captured per-

sonnel by force have already reached such an extent as

makes it impossible for you to hide or deny them

To strengthen your rule of bloodshed and violence over

our captured personnel, your side recently moved large

amounts of reinforcing forces to the locality of your pris-

oner-of-war camp, for further suppression of the just

154

PRISONERS OF WAR

resistance of our captured personnel The fact now placed

before the people of the whole world is that in spite of your

such barbarous measures, you violated the will of the cap-

tured personnel of our side Thousands of them would

rather die than yield to your forcible retention Your side

dares not face this fact In order to cover up this fact, your

side has invented the myth that our captured personnel

were not willing to be repatriated

While the Communists talked, they were laying plans

Through then* effective "grapevine" communications system

with the United Nations Command prisoner compounds at

Koje-do, they triggered massive nots of the prisoners Our

pnson-camp commandant, a United States Army general, was

taken prisoner in a Communist compound and held hostage

His replacement, another United States Army general, signed

a paper prepared by the Communist prisoners in order to

effect the release of the captured camp commandant This

paper said in effect that there would be no more forced screen-

ing, no more terrorization of the prisoners This was the am-

munition needed by the Communist delegation Listen to

them use it

GENERAL NAM IL The former commandant of your pnsoner-

of-war camp openly admitted that your side used all sorts of

violence to screen our captured personnel by force in an

attempt to retain them as your cannon fodder The newly

appointed commandant of your pnsoner-of-war camp openly

implied to our captured personnel that no further criminal

activities in violation of the Geneva Conventions would be

perpetrated Is it not a fact that your side, in order to carry

155

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

out forcible screening, committed all kinds of atrocities,

even including mass massacre against our captured person-

nel in disregard of the Geneva Conventions and repudiating

the minimum standard of human behavior? Is it not a fact

that the commandant of your prisoner-of-war camp prom-

ised our captured personnel that "There will be no more

forcible screening" 7 You cannot deny these facts

Seeing that the pnsoner-of-war issue was beyond negotia-

tion, I submitted to the Communists on 28 April what we

called our final package proposal It was a complete armistice

agreement containing sixty-two paragraphs, sixty-one of which

had been originated by the United Nations Command dele-

gation In it, we conceded the question of airfield rehabilita-

tion, omitted the Soviet Union and Norway as members of

the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission, and held firm

to our principle of voluntary repatriation I told the Com-

munists that that was the end of negotiating, thenceforward

the question was simply one of take it or leave it For our part,

there were to be no more concessions, no substantive changes

in the draft armistice agreement That was it

In bidding farewell to the Communists on 22 May, 1952, I

had this to say

ADMIRAL JOY At the first Plenary Session of our two delega-

tions, on the loth of July of last year, I said, "The success

or failure of the negotiations begun here today depends

directly upon the good faith of the delegations present "

These words constituted both a promise and a warning a

promise of good faith by our side and a warning that we

156

PRISONERS OF WAR

would expect good faith from your side Today, at the 65th

Plenary Session, my opening remarks on the subject of good

faith are more than ever pertinent

It has hecome increasingly clear through these long-

drawn-out conferences that any hope that your side would

bring good faith to these meetings was forlorn indeed From

the very start, you have caviled over procedural details, you

have manufactured spurious issues and placed them in con-

troversy for bargaining purposes, you have denied the exist-

ence of agreements made between us when you found the

fulfillment thereof not to your hking, you have made false

charges based on crimes invented for your purposes, and

you have indulged in abuse and invective when all other

tactics proved ineffective Through a constant succession of

delays, fraudulent arguments, and artificial attitudes you

have obstructed the attainment of an armistice which easily

lay within our grasp had there been equal honesty on both

sides of this conference table Nowhere in the record is there

a single action of your side which indicates a real and sincere

desire to attain the objective for which these conferences

were designed Instead, you have increasingly presented

evidence before the world that you did not enter these nego-

tiations with sincerity and high purpose, but rather that you

entered into them to gain time to repair your shattered

forces and to try to accomplish at the conference table what

your armies could not accomplish in the field It is an

enormous misfortune that you are constitutionally incapable

of understanding the fair and dignified attitude of the

United Nations Command Apparently you cannot com-

prehend that strong and proud and free nations can make

157

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

costly sacrifices for principles because they are strong, can

be dignified in the face of abuse and deceit because they are

proud, and can speak honestly because they are free and do

not fear the truth Instead, you impute to the United Na-

tions Command the same suspicion, greed, and deviousness

which are your stock in trade You search every word for a

hidden meaning and every agreement for a hidden trap It

would be charitable for me to say that you do these things

by instinct, but you are people of intelligence and it is

probably truer to say that you do these things with purpose

and design

From the very first, the United Nations Command has

had but one objective in Korea To bring an end to the

Korean war so that a permanent and enduring peace might

be established as quickly as possible This has been the pre-

cise objective of the United Nations Command delegation

in these negotiations This is what we meant by good faith

on our part You have but to examine the record to see the

many evidences of our restraint, our constructive sugges-

tions, our willingness to conciliate and compromise, and our

patience There is very little evidence of similar contribu-

tions by your side As an answer to the question, 'Which

side has brought good faith to these meetings?" Nothing

could be more impressive than a comparison of the actions

of the two delegations during our ten months of these con-

ferences They are as different as day and night No amount

of propaganda, however oft repeated, can hide your ignoble

record That these meetings have continued this long and

that we have, after a fashion, resolved our differences to the

point where only one major issue remains is testimony to

158

PRISONERS OF WAR

the patience and dedication of the United Nations Com-

mand

Now our negotiations have come to the point where the

pnsoner-of-war issue stands as a formidable barrier to the

accomplishment of an armistice Casbng aside any pretense

of humanity, you have made the demand that the United

Nations Command must return to your side all the pris-

oners of war in its custody, driving them at the point of a

bayonet if necessary You even have the colossal imperti-

nence to document your position by referring to the Geneva

Convention What could be more ironic than your attempt

to found your inhuman proposition upon an international

agreement whose purpose is to defend and protect the un-

fortunate victims of war? These are strange words for you

to employ You who have denied the International Red

Cross access to your pnsoner-of-war camps, who have re-

fused to furnish lists of prisoners to the Prisoner of War

Bureau, and who cannot even account for over fifty thou-

sand (50,000) United Nations Command soldiers whom

you officially boasted as having in your custody before the

Korean war was nine months old After months of concilia-

tion, of meeting you more than halfway on issue after issue,

the United Nations Command has told you with all firm-

ness and finality that it will not recede from its position

with respect to the prisoners of war on the 28th of April

we offered you an equitable and specific solution to the

issues remaining before us We told you then, and we repeat

now, that we firmly adhere to the principles of humanity and

the preservation of the rights of the individual These are

values which we will not barter, for they are one and the

159

BOW COMMVNISTS NEGOTIATE

same with the principles which motivated the United

Nations Command to oppose you on the battlefield No

amount of argument and invective will move us If you

harbor the slightest desire to restore peace and to end the

misery and suffering of millions of innocent people, you

must bring to the solution of this issue the good faith which,

as I said at our first meeting, would directly determine the

success or failure of our negotiations The decision is in your

hands

After ten months and twelve days I feel that there is noth-

ing more for me to do There is nothing left to negotiate I

now turn over the unenviable job of further dealings with

you to Major General William K Harrison, who succeeds

me as Senior Delegate of the United Nations Command

delegation May God be with him

And that was it Though the Korean Armistice Conferences

continued for more than another year in fits and starts, the

final agreement was substantially that which I had submitted

on 28 April, 1952 Arrangements were made for a rescreening

of prisoners under the supervision of India This was accom-

plished without major alteration of the results we had long

before reported The armistice document signed at Panmun-

jom on July 27, 1953, was practically identical to that which I

tabled in Apnl, 1952, in all but details relative to the mechanics

of exchanging prisoners Thus, fifteen months were required to

impose our principle of voluntary repatriation on the Com-

munists It was a long year for Americans on the battle line in

Korea It must have been a painful year for Americans in

Communist dungeons

160

PRISONERS OF WAR

I departed the Korean Armistice Conference for assignment

as Superintendent of the United States Naval Academy on

May 22, 1952 Major General William K Hamson of the

United States Army replaced me as Senior Delegate Though

General Hamson is an unusually able officer whose skill as

a negotiator is beyond question, there really was nothing left

to negobate There was only the long waiting until time alone

convinced the Communists our position on the prisoner issue

was irrevocable

Why did the Communists finally bow to the principle of

voluntary repatriation after so much resistance? Since they had

capitalized on the armistice conference by preparing and oc-

cupying almost impregnable defensible positions, the desul-

tory war in Korea was not too much for them to bear Nor is

it useful to look to areas of reason and logic for the answer

No, I think the cause of Communist acquiescence in the prin-

ciple of voluntary repatriation was neither the continuing

hostilities in Korea nor the mercurial status of world opinion

Their plans for the conquest of Indochina may have influ-

enced their ultimate decision But what influenced them most,

I feel certain, were ominous sounds of impending expanded

warfare, the prospect of United Nations Command forces

being released from their confinement to Korea and allowed

to range over Red China During the spring of 1953, the

United States began running out of patience Serious con-

sideration was being given to extending United Nations Com-

mand military operations into Red China The threat of atom

bombs was posed defeat for Red China became a distinct pos-

sibility Thus at the last, the one negotiating factor that Com-

munists respect above all else was beginning to appear naked,

161

BOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

massive power and the willingness to use that power when

necessary Red China did not dare challenge the unrestrained

military strength of the United States That way lay ruin In

understandable prudence, they took the only step open to

them to remove the growing threat of a holocaust in Red

China It was as simple as that It had always been as simple

as that

162

CHAPTER XIV

FROM THIS THORN, THESE

WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

The Korean Armistice Conference terminated in July, 1953,

after two years of agonized travail The formal result of this

conference was an armistice agreement, duly signed, sealed,

and delivered to the governments concerned That agreement

has been considered by some as the alternative to world war

others saw it as a sorry substitute for American victory in

Korea

Whatever may be the ultimate judgment of history regard-

ing the significance of the Korean Armistice, those who must

deal with the problems of today can learn from it certain

sharply pertinent lessons Taken to heart, this painfully

acquired knowledge may save us all from the creeping disaster

of unskilled effort in later negotiations between our world of

freedom and that of tyranny

The greatest single influence on the Korean armistice nego-

tiations was the failure of the United States to take punitive

action against Red China During the winter of 1950, Chinese

163

COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

forces crossed the Yalu River from Manchuria into Korea and

executed a crushing attack on the Eighth Army All evidence

showed beyond doubt that this assault was directed by the

Red Chinese Government Despite a severe military setback,

and grave casualties among United States troops attacked by

the Red Chmese Army, the United States refrained from

taking retaliatory military action against the territory and

military facilities of Red China For the United States, this

was an unprecedented backdown before a show of force Fail-

ure to take immediate punitive action against Red China was

at the root of most of the difficulties encountered by United

Nations Command representatives in the Korean armistice

negotiations Our seemingly weak and fearful withdrawal in

the face of an unprovoked attack on our forces in the Far East

gave the Communists good reason to believe that the United

States would not stand firm on any aspect of the continental

Asian problem The question was posed Would our govern-

ment possess the determination to continue an abortive and

unpopular war in Korea rather than to accede to Communist

terms for an armistice 7 Throughout the Korean armistice con-

ference the Communists acted as if they definitely thought not

It has been contended that the United States Government

as executive agent for the United Nations was in no position

to take punitive action unilaterally against Red China This

does not seem reasonable when one considers that the United

States took the initiative in sending ground forces to Korea to

repel the North Korean attack, supplied over 80 per cent of the

resources required to prosecute the war, and sacrificed many

more lives in the war than any nation except South Korea

Had not the United States borne the brunt of tie war, and

164

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

had it not been for the prompt action of the United States in

the first place, all of Korea today would be under Communist

control Moreover, as the recognized leader of the free world

in the struggle against international Communism, the United

States had every good reason from a moral standpoint to take

the initiative in punishing the Chinese aggressor, particularly

when the United Nations General Assembly had denounced

Red China as an aggressor nation in the Korean War

The recall of General Douglas MacArthur when that re-

nowned officer was vigorously advocating a strong and aggres-

sive policy m the Orient, particularly toward Red China, gave

further reason for the Communists to believe we had no steel

in our attitude, that we were, in their phrase, a "paper tiger "

On 24 June, 1951, Soviet Minister Jacob Malik made a radio

announcement suggesting that a truce be arranged by the op-

posing military commanders in Korea, based on both sides

withdrawing equal distances from the %8th Parallel Washing-

ton immediately directed General Matthew B Ridgway to

broadcast an announcement to the Communist field com-

manders that the United Nations Command was willing to

discuss an armistice This was not only done in great haste, it

was done without denouncing the 38th Parallel as a line of

demarcation The Communists, therefore, concluded that the

United Nations Command needed an armistice, and that the

38th Parallel would be a truce line acceptable to the United

States These misunderstandings cost us many months of fruit-

less negotiations

The armistice negotiations were profoundly affected by the

restraints imposed on the United Nabons Command forces m

Korea United Nations Command forces were not allowed to

165

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

attack their enemies in the most effective manner nor with the

most effective weapons In consequence, the United Nations

Command could never exert the decisive military pressure of

which it was capable United Nations Command negotiators

at Kaesong and Panmunjom were not in a position to deal

from maximum strength, and 'well did the Communists

know it

The armistice effort in Korea taught this Never weaken

your pressure when the enemy sues for armistice Increase it

In June, 1951, the Communist forces were falling back

steadily, suffering grievously Then Jacob Malik issued his

truce feeler As soon as armistice discussions began, United

Nations Command ground forces slackened their offensive

operations Instead, offensive pressure by all arms should have

been increased to the maximum during the armistice talks

Force is a decisive factor, the only logic the Communists

truly understand It has been argued that to endure the casu-

alties which result from offensive operations while an armis-

tice was potentially around the corner would have been an un-

acceptable policy Yet, I feel certain the casualties the United

Nations Command endured during the two long years of ne-

gotiations far exceed any that might have been expected from

an offensive in the summer of 1951 The lesson is Do not

stop fighting until hostilities have ended, not if you want an

armistice with the Communists on acceptable terms within

a reasonable period of time

The foregoing leads to the lesson that armistice conferences

should be brief A time period should be set for reaching an

agreement If an acceptable agreement is not reached within

a reasonable fame, discussions should be terminated until the

166

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE W4PN1NGS

enemy again indicates a desire for (that is, a need for) an

armistice To allow armistice talks to become protracted is to

indicate weakness on your part This encourages your Com-

munist opponents

The site at which armistice talks are held should be outside

the area of conflict In the case of the Korean armistice con-

ference, a site outside Korea would have served far better

than did a neutralized area lying on the battle line in Korea

and interfering with combat operations The plague of "inci-

dents" which delayed and disrupted our negotiations would

have been at least less intense, if not non-existent, m areas

where 'live" warfare was not in progress

Communists should not be allowed unilaterally to select

the site for a conference If one cannot successfully negotiate

a site for talks, why expect to negotiate substantive issues suc-

cessfully? Finally, and above all, the site of negotiations should

not be, as Kaesong was, within the enemy's lines and subject

to his military control This invites the Communists to arro-

gance, and they need little invitation on that score

Reaction to a Communist suggestion for a conference or to

discuss an armistice should be unhurried My liaison officers

were in Kaesong talking with Communist representatives only

two weeks after Jacob Malik mentioned the possibility of an

armistice in Korea This is much too short a period in which

to study the ramifications of the question thoroughly and

well It is especially important that a military command not

be rushed into armistice discussions when it has the upper

hand in combat, as we did in the spring of 1951

The team selected to conduct negotiations with Commu-

nists should be of the highest available quality Rank, renown,

167

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

and position are a secondary consideration Clear thinking,

rapid thinking, are the criteria to be sought Every man should

be the best in his line, whether stenographer, signalman, inter-

preter, or delegate You can be assured that the Communists

will put in their first team You can be assured your second

team will not be good enough

The system of procedure used by the United Nations Com-

mand delegation at Panmunjom is worthy of consideration in

future conferences As a general matter, we attempted to se-

cure agreements on broad principles at the plenary sessions

of full delegations This being done, we arranged for meetings

of subcommittees of delegates to expand upon the general

principle that had been established in plenary sessions We

then had groups of staff officers discuss the finer details of the

agreements reached by the delegates Our liaison officers were

charged to attend to "incidents" and to make arrangements

governing the conditions of meetings In the case both of the

United Nations Command delegation and of the Communist

delegation, the liaison officers were also notably active as staff

officers

The United Nations Command delegation followed a prac-

tice of "staffing" all formal statements uttered in the armistice

conference by delegates Each day staff officers prepared a

number of proposed statements for use by the delegates These

were considered and discussed by the delegates and staff offi-

cers in meetings at our camp at Munsan, before proceeding

to Panmunjom for the day's events The statement finally

worked out was almost never the work of any one individual

It was the product of careful editing by all delegates and final

approval by the Senior Delegate Thus the benefit of all the

168

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

fine intellects available to the delegabon was used to the

fullest

Subsequent to each day's meeting with the Communists, the

United Nations Command delegates and staff officers gathered

in my tent at Munsan, to discuss the steps to be taken the

following day When a basic decision was reached, staff officers

prepared implementing statements for use on the morrow

Press coverage of negotiations should be as unfettered as

physical facilities permit If your objecbves are honest and

sincere, if your methods are above reproach, if your skill in

negotiating is adequate, you need not fear the press The

American people deserve to know what is going on, since

they must foot the bill in hves and in dollars

Candor compels me to report a rather unsavory aspect of

press coverage of the Korean armistice on repeated occasions,

articles appeared in United States publications, attributed to

"authoritative sources in Washington/' which predicted con-

cessions by the United Nations Command delegation to the

Communists Sometimes the accuracy and timing of these

articles left little doubt that they were in fact 'leaked" by

official sources in Washington one example of this under-

mining procedure was an article, date-lined Washington,

which stated, "UNC Ready to Yield on Airfield Ban " Instruc-

tions to make this concession had been received by the United

Nabons Command delegabon, classified "Top Secret'' The

delegabon intended to use the concession on airfields as a

lever to pry out Communist agreement on the prisoner issue

Once such a "leak" occurred, however, the Communists were

not likely to pay a price for something they believed we were

prepared to surrender

169

SOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Another 'leak" attributed to official sources suggested that

""professional" negotiators be sent to Panmunjom to replace

the military personnel of the United Nations Command dele-

gation Although the record of our and other "professional"

negotiators at such places as Yalta and the Geneva Conference

on Indochina leaves some room for improvement, that con-

sideration is not my reasons for mentioning this particular leak

Rather, the important point is the weakening of our position

at Panmunjom that resulted on reading that the United Na-

tions Command delegation might not have the full confidence

and backing of the United States Government, the Com-

munists could reasonably decide to delay a while longer They

could hope that a new United Nations Command delegation

would be less firm about the disputed issues

I do not criticize the press for printing these stones To do

so is their business I suspect, however, that the person who

planted them did not have the best interests of the United

States in mmd when he did so

Never concede anything to the Communists for nothing,

merely to make progress Make the Communists pay for your

acceptance of their point of view Require an equivalent con-

cession to match yours This will not only double the number

of agreements you achieve in a given period of time, but will

impress upon Communists the conviction that you are neither

softheaded, gullible, nor weak To a Communist, your ready

acceptance of his proposed solution merely because it is logical

and correct is a sign of at least undue haste, indicating a pre-

carious basis on your part Never imagine that any point is un-

important To concede a minor point to Communists without

a like concession from them is but to convince them that in

170

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

more substantive issues you will ultimately submit to then-

viewpoint Exact equating concessions from the Communists

in respect to every matter, large or small

Avoid a "hurry-up" attitude, for such an attitude tends to

invoke a Communist conclusion that you are pressed for time

The enemy will not credit you with humanitarian motives

Quite to the contrary, show plainly that you are willing to

terminate or suspend negotiations at any time the Commu-

nists may desire If no progress is perceivable in a reasonable

period, then terminate the negotiations

The agenda of a conference with Communists should re-

ceive careful study In retrospect, it is clear that we made a

mistake in agreeing to discuss the line on which hostilities

were to cease prior to reaching agreement on all other matters

Early agreement upon a specified line on which hostilities will

cease removes the justification for continued military pressure

on the Communists That item of the agenda dealing with

supervision of the armistice should be placed first The first

objective of an armistice conference is to set up safeguards

which will ensure the stability of the trace Neither belliger-

ent should be permitted to capitalize on the armistice by in-

creasing his military capabilities A requisite for achieving this

objecbve is adequate supervision of the armistice terms and

observation of the forces and activities of the belligerents

during the period of truce Without such supervision and

observation, any and all terms of agreement in an armistice

document are worth only the valuation pkced on the good

intent of each side by the other When dealing with Com-

munists, one would be reckless indeed to assume good faith

on their part

171

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

When a firm position has been taken, from which you do

not intend to withdraw, do not thereafter engage in long-

winded and repeated statements supporting your position

Having put forth your final proposal, simply be quiet, or at

best rebut the Communist attacks by terse, positive, dignified

statements denouncing or ridiculing then* verbal acrobatics

Defense of your final proposal in response to Communist

verbal attacks only offers gnst for the Communist mill The

more you talk, the more you offer targets for the Communists'

insidious propaganda on the other hand, Communist nego-

tiators are nonplused by, and fearful of, an unresponsive oppo-

nent because such tactics are contrary to their teachings How

not to conduct negotiations was illustrated by our action in

connecbon with our final "package" proposal The United

Nations Command Delegation planned to table this proposal

and thereafter remain relatively silent, thus indicating the

bleak finality of our offer After we had presented our "pack-

age" we were allowed to remain quiet for several days During

this period the desperation of the Communist negotiators be-

came apparent They could find nothing to shout about Then

Washington issued an ill advised directive requiring that we

support our proposal with extended arguments at each meet-

ing With misgivings, the delegation obeyed The relief and

satisfaction of the Communists at this change of tactics were

immediately apparent They leaped upon our daily statements

with enthusiasm No progress was made until, after some five

months of insistence by the delegation, Washington permitted

the delegation to suspend the meetings, a step we had recom-

mended shortly after our final proposal had been tabled Then

the Communists became convinced they were confronted with

a truly firm United Nations Command position

172

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

We learned in Korea that crystallization of political objec-

tives should precede initiation of armistice talks All personnel

in the United Nations Command delegation were aware of

the chameleon-like character of American political objectives

in Korea United States forces entered Korea, in accord with

political objectives, to prevent an impending collapse of the

South Korean Government and to help repel aggression against

South Korea When the North Korean aggressor was thrown

back north of the 38th Parallel from whence he came, these

two political objectives had been secured Then United States

policy shifted to the intent to unify Korea Accordingly, United

Nations Command forces swept north of the 38th Parallel,

headed for the Yalu When the Red Chinese plunged into

the fray, the controlling political objective of the United

States became a desire to avoid all-out war with China When

the Soviets suggested an armistice, the political objectives in

Korea became an honorable cease fire During the armistice

negotiations, we took on a political objective of gaming a

propaganda victory over Communism in respect to prisoners

of war Thus the political objectives of the United States in

Korea weather-vaned with the winds of combat, accommo-

dating themselves to current military events rather than con-

stituting the goal to be reached through military operations

Consequently, the delegation, and indeed General Ridgway,

never knew when a new directive would emanate from Wash-

ington to alter our basic objective of obtaining an honorable

and stable armistice agreement In such circumstances it

is most difficult to develop sound plans, to present one's case

convincingly, to give an appearance of unmistakable firmness

and finality It seemed to us that the United States Govern-

ment did not know exactly what its political objectives in

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

Korea were or should be As a result, the United Nations

Command delegation was constantly looking over its shoulder,

fearing a new directive from afar which would require action

inconsistent with that currently "being taken

On issue after issue the United Nations Command delega-

tion sought advice from Washington whether the then current

position of the delegation was or was not final, whether we

could count on the unwavering support of the United States

Government to and through the point of termination of nego-

tiations We needed such information in order to avoid prej-

udicing future discussions of other issues with the Com-

munists For example, if the United Nabons Command

delegation announced a particular position on an issue as final,

then later, on orders from Washington, recanted and accepted

the Communists' version of the issue, one could expect that

our next announcement of "finality" would make little im-

pression on the Communists Precisely this happened in the

successive cases of airfield rehabilitation and prisoners of war

For many weeks the United Nations Command delegation

firmly announced to the Communists that we would never

agree to an increase of their military capabilities during the

period of truce This, of course, included the rehabilitation

and construction of airfields Later, under instructions from

Washington, we did propose to delete from the armistice

agreement any prohibition of development of airfields Subse-

quently, the delegation, General Ridgway, and President Tru-

man announced that our position regarding exchange of pris-

oners of war was final and irrevocable Apparently the Com-

munists thought otherwise for more than a year Thus we

learned a lesson which it is to be hoped will be heeded by

174

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

those who set our political objectives Before entering a con-

ference with the Communists (or a war), political objectives

should be determined and disclosed to those who must pursue

them Thereafter they should be altered only when a change is

vital to the national interests There is stall much to be said for

remaining on the same horse in midstream

Let no one think that in negotiating with the Communists

we should reject the threat of force on the contrary it is only

through the imminent threat of application of our military

power that the Communists can be compelled to negotiate

seriously for the alleviation of the basic issues between their

world and ours We must be prepared to accept the risk of war

if we hope to avoid war When the Communists beheve that

failure to resolve issues with the Western world will engage a

serious and immediate nsk to their present empire, they will

then, and only then, seek to resolve those issues They

will not be bluffed, however Successful negotiations with the

Communists will ensue when the United States poses employ-

ment of its tremendous military power as the actual alterna-

tive We must be prepared to carry through that threat or it

cannot succeed in its peaceful purpose We must accept what-

ever nsk of world war may attend such a procedure, knowing

that should the Communist world choose war, war was com-

ing in any event

At last it must be concluded that there should not have

been a Korean armistice such as was accepted The principal

reasons for seeking an armistice in Korea when and how we

did will not bear critical examination Consider the reasons

most often heard

Military victory could not be achieved by the United Na-

175

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

bans Command Therefore, an armistice was the only prac-

tical course of action Military victory was not impossible, nor

even unusually difficult of achievement Elimination of the

artificial restraints imposed on United States forces, coupled

with an effective blockade on Red China, probably would

have resulted in military victory in less time than was expended

in truce talks This is the considered judgment of senior

military commanders of the United Nabons Command

There was a danger the Korean War would expand to war

with Red China, and thence into world war War with Red

China should have been the instant response of the United

Nations to the Red Chinese attack of November, 1951 The

USSR never showed the slightest intention of expanding

the Korean War In fact, Soviet overtures for a Korean truce

plainly indicated the direction of Soviet purposes I know of

not a single senior military commander of United States forces

in the Far East Army, Navy, or Air Force who believed the

USSR would enter war with the United States because of

any action we might have taken relative to Red China Had the

Soviets entered a Sino-Amencan war on the side of Red China,

the resulting conflict in Asia would have wrecked Soviet amis

in that area, and estabhshed a position of unassailable strength

for the free world The Soviets must have known this

If the Korean War continued, total war might accidentally

evolve therefrom In this era of nuclear weapons, total war

wdl not "evolve" from any set of circumstances To initiate

total war, a positive decision to deliver nuclear weapons on

targets vital to the opponent is required This decision cannot

be "accidental" or "evolutionary" in character In past decades

the step between limited war and total war was a short one,

176

FROM THIS THORN, THESE WOUNDS, THESE WARNINGS

often of insignificant implications Today, the difference be-

tween limited war and total war is that between life and death

for all humanity No government will take such a leap without

long and careful deliberation Accordingly, had United States

action in Asia coincided with the outbreak of total war, this

would have been so only because total war had already been

decided upon by the Soviets

A truce in Korea would mean less American casualties Be-

tween July, 1951, and July, 1953 (^ e s P an * ^ e tru ce nego-

tiations), more American casualties were suffered in Korea

than are likely to have resulted from decisive, victorious mili-

tary operations I do not know how many United Nations

Command prisoners m the hands of the Communists died

during the two years we talked truce

A truce in Korea demonstrating that aggression does not pay

'would deter further aggressions First of all, the truce in

Korea, making Red China the first nation in history to fight

the United States to an inconclusive ending, profited Red

China enormously in prestige and influence throughout Asia

Second, the truce m Korea assisted, rather than deterred, sub-

sequent Communist aggression in Indochina by releasing

Communist war materials and technical assistance from the

Korean front to be used against Dienbienphu

A truce in Korea, involving acceptance by Communism of

permanent defection by many prisoners of war, would inflict

a tremendous propaganda defeat on Communism First, a

military armistice conference is no place to seek a propaganda

victory Second, what has that propaganda "victory*' gamed

the United States 7 Has there been wholesale defection from

Asiatic Communism as a result? Has the cause of Communism

177

HOW COMMUNISTS NEGOTIATE

in Asia faltered? Has the prestige of Red China sunk? The

answer, of course, is that lie Korean armistice was a victory

for Red China her prestige has continued to rise, the transient

setback in respect to prisoners of war was quickly erased by

Communist victory in Indochina. Where are the masses of

defectors it was supposed would rush to escape Communism,

once safe asylum was a demonstrated fact? Why did Commu-

nist troopers in Indochina not rush to join the opposing

forces?

General MacArthur has said that in war there is no substi-

tute for victory The record of Korea certainly justifies that

conclusion The broader struggle in which we are now engaged,

however, is not entirely a battle of guns and ships and aircraft

We are m a world conflict with Communism, one presently

being fought with threats of force, with ideologies, diplomatic

maneuverrngs, and economic pressures It is a fight to the

finish In it, there will be no substitute for victory either the

darkness of Communism will engulf the world, or the banner

of freedom will fly over all lands

If freedom is to be the victor in the great world conflict, we

should enter negotiations with Communism when, and only

when, negotiations serve the cause of freedom best We must

not negotiate merely "because the enemy wants to do so once

we have decided that to negotiate is in the best interests of

freedom, we should do so with the full backing of the strength

of the United States There will never be a situation in which

that strength is insufficient, if we Americans remain as strong

as we have the resources to be We must negotiate not merely

from strength, but with strength Granting that, no American

need fear the outcome

178

'時事 · 나의 時論' 카테고리의 다른 글

박근혜 1심 공판 (0)	2018.04.08
마르크스 이론 비판 (0)	2018.04.01
*** 조선민주주의인민공화국 사회주의헌법 (제10호) (0)	2018.03.31
헌법개정안의 주 목적은 문재인 가짜대통령 감추기이다. (0)	2018.03.26
현행 대한민국 헌법 (0)	2018.03.26

현재글How communist negotiat? C. Turner Joy

연꽃인생 THE LOTUS LIFE

주체사상 비판, 이명박 오바마, 무릉도원, 주계약, 폴더소유권이전, 유적지 답사, 노무현, 종계약, 인생관리, 한미 합동 군사훈련,

Today :
Yesterday :

연꽃인생 THE LOTUS LIFE